These UIRALA articles/chapters  are the result of a multidisciplinary process, which is mainly based in archeological discoveries of the past century, but includes considerations in other areas like languages. While studying languages in isolation produces few revelations, when languages are looked at in conjunction with all the other evidence in a multidisciplinary project, it can provide insights. The following reflects the investigation of the languages of suspected oceanic expansions from Finnic northern Europe.  Ideally the reader should have already looked at the chapters that have presented the results from the information from the other sciences, to better understand the language investigations and interpretations. (See also the language-related article pertaining to the interior eastward expansion of boat people to the Urals and beyond.)


Recent Comparisons of Northern Eurasian Languages and   conclusions that the Uralic Languages did NOT evolve in a tree diagram sequence

    Linguistics has spent a century trying to determine the history of the indigenous languages from the Baltic to the Ural Mountains and beyond. It has decided how languages came to be, what evolved from what. Because the linguistic interpretation was done a century ago, before there was any information from archeology about what really happened, the long-held interpretation is steadily being proven wrong. In the context of the expansion of the "Kunda" culture boat peoples west-to-east the development of languages in this region towards the east, has been discussed in article/chapter 2A.
    But linguists have never had anything to say about the other expansion of the "Kunda" boat people culture, mainly because this expansion is a new one, hypothesized by myself beginning around 2002 .
    Even if linguistics was interested in exploring the expansion of the "Kunda" culture around the arctic ocean and down the Altantic and Pacific oceans to some degree, it would face a major hurdle that it is very difficult to employ traditional historical linguistic analysis with languages that began diverging from one another as early as 5,000-6,000  years ago.
    Traditional comparative linguistics seeks to find common elements in the languages studied and then find systematic ways in which they diverged from each other and from their common parent languages.
    No methodology exists that can deal with linguistic events in the deep past, except something attempted a few years ago. In a 2003 paper, in reponse to questions raised by a book by A. Marcantonio about the validity of the "Uralic" lanugages theory, the languages across northern Eurasia were compared in terms of phonetics and grammatical features in order to determine the linguistic distances between them.  This paper was entitled Common Phonetic and Grammatical Features of the Uralic Languages and Other Languages in Northern Eurasia written in conjunction between linguistic departments of University of Tartu and University of California. This paper by P.Klesment, A. Künnap, S-E Soosaar, R. Taagepera, had to find some kind of methodology that could reach back further in time to determine closeness between the languages.The methodology involved identifying 60 grammatical or phonetic features, and then finding which of the languages possessed that feature. The more of the features were found also in Finnic languages the greater the "Finnicity" of the language, the  more of the features were also found in Samoyedic languages, the greater the "Samoyedicity".  Words were not dealt with since words change more readily than the structural features of languages. And the study only covered northern Eurasian languages, and avoided isolates like Basque and Ainu.
    Page 3 and 4 descibe the aim of the study. I reproduce some of the text below.

The aim of our study is to present a graphic overview, in the form of maps, of some common features among Uralic and some non-Uralic neighboring languages in their present forms: Indo-European, Altaic and Paleo-Siberian (see Map 1). We abstain from including some geographically remote languages — from the point of view of Uralic — e.g., Basque, Caucasian, Dravidian, Ainu, Korean and Japanese, among the Indo- European languages Albanian, Greek, Armenian and Indo-Iranian, and among the Paleo-Siberian languages Gilyak (or Nivkh) and Ainu. A few indispensable comments and conclusions are added to the maps. At this stage, it is not our purpose to discuss the possible origin of the common features but only to note their present existence.

We deal only with phonetic and grammatical similarities, leaving aside vocabulary as an easily moving and changing aspect. As Uralists, we proceed from the Uralic language group, dividing its languages into conventional subgroups. For the sake of a more lucid overview, however, we present the other languages in broad groups, with a single exception — dividing the Indo-European language group into Germanic, Baltic, Slavic and “other Indo-European languages”. Such a division into subgroups allows us to show to what extent features common with non-Uralic language groups/languages (and Indo-European language subgroups) occur in various Uralic languages.
Our study was instigated by Angela Marcantonio’s The Uralic Language Family: Facts, Myths and Statistics (2002), which carries out an extensive lexical and grammatical analysis. Overlaps of Uralic languages with neighboring languages lead her to disagree with the traditional view that the languages grouped as “Uralic” form a separate linguistic node (condensation, entity or intertwinement). Marcantonio’s analysis suggests a mental picture where the Uralists have drawn a circle on the surface of the sea and argue that inside that circle there is peculiar Uralic water, distinct from the surroundings and with only a little “borrowed” water from what encircles it.
Marcantonio considers the comparative method, used by traditional Uralists, debatable in principle (and she has a point), but she shows that even the method itself is used in Uralistics in a most inconsistent manner. Strict observation of the rules of the method is replaced by some general impression or “feeling”. When reconstructing the Proto-Uralic word stock, irregularities are mentioned but then ignored, and the lack of evidence in a given Uralic language is interpreted as the word being lost in that language. Therefore, most Proto-Uralic words have not been reconstructed in accordance with the established phonetic laws, based on direct evidence in actual Uralic languages. Instead, they are often grounded in reconstructions of intermediary proto-languages, such as Proto-Finnic-Permic and Proto-Samoyedic, deliberately neglecting incompatible Ugric data

It will be seen that our study confirms the existence of a Uralic group, distinct from its neighbors, but some issues raised by Marcantonio remain. A clear language tree within the Uralic group does not emerge. At the very least, it would have to be complemented by a hefty dose of “languages in contact” — contacts both inside the Uralic group and outside of it.

    The study was intended to determine from a general comparison of grammatical and phonetically features whether Marcantonio was correct in claiming the traditional "Uralic Language Family"  was an arbitary circling of an area and artificial rationalizations. While it appears to have disproved Marcantonio's claim, it actuallly proved that the century old concept of a "Uralic Family" has been false. To quote the study:

...our study confirms the existence of a Uralic group, distinct from its neighbors, but some issues raised by Marcantonio remain. A clear language tree within the Uralic group does not emerge.

This absence of a clear language tree is obvious from the story of the expansion of the boat peoples since the end of the Ice Age.  As you will recall from previous articles/chapters and covered in detail in chapter 2A, the languages defined as "Finno-Ugric" arose not from a family approach (where one language evolves out of another in a sequence that creates a tree diagram) but from a rapid expansion followed by in situ divergence according to geographic boundaries, notably water system boundaries. At most one can view it as a lingjuistic bush - lot of branches arising from the same stem rather than a sequence of branching - and that this bush originated in the flooded lands south of the glaciers in the south Baltic.
    However the study was limited to Eurasia an omitted Ainu and Basque, and therefore languages far from "home" have not yet been given attention. Obviously traditional linguistic methodology does not work there too, because it does not support the sequence-of-branchings model either. The oceanic boat peoples simply expanded rather rapidly and lived their lives for generations changing in situ, to some degrees influenced by indigenous neighbouring peoples in their far-off locations. We saw this was especially the case for Ainu and Basque, who were located in the middle of a soup of peoples, cultures, languages, and genetics.
    The proposal we offer here, that there was an expansion of boat peoples of "Kunda":culture origins that expanded as far as the costs of the Pacific Ocean, is still realtively unknown, since it originates from me, the author of the UIRLALA pages, and linguists are not even considering it.
    But from a linguistic point of view, it is necessary to prove that  the languages of the descendants of these distant immigrants actually demonstrate origins in the "Kunda" origins. Thanks to studies like those cited above, it is becoming acceptable to NOT view the origins of Finnic languages in northwest Eurasia in the Urals but within the northwest and having evolved in situ.
    Proving that a distant language is related to the descendant languages of the "Kunda" culture is a great challenge, because the approach by ordinary people is to simply compare two languages, such as  to compare Estonian and Finnish with the distant language. The problem lies in the fact that over time words in a language shift in their form, and shift in their meaning. Unless the compared words are almost identical in form and meaning, the possibility exists that the analyst is claiming a connection where one really does not exist.
    Beginning with the archeologically supported assumption that the modern Estonian and FInnish languages are descended from the original "Kunda" culture from which the oceanic boat peoples expanded, if we  compare Estonian and Finnish with the language of the Inuit peoples of the Canadian arctic, our finding that Inuit suluk, Estonian/Finnish sulg/sulka , all meaning 'feather', is difficult to sneer at, because both form and meaning are so close that it is more probably the earth gets hit by a meteor tomorrow than that this was a pure coincidence. On the other hand if the compared words are not convincingly close, connecting the two words can be challenged.  For that reason, mere comparisons to find closeness in form and meaning is not enough. It is necessary to also present supportive arguments from outside linguistics. In general, one of the arguments accepted by linguists is that words pertaining to family have been proven to resist change, and therefore if we compare words for family members, that chances are already high that parallels will be found. For example, in the Inuit language I found  that word saki referred to 'father, mother, uncle or aunt-in-law'. If  we compare that with Est./Finn sugu/suku 'family'. This comparison is not as close as suluk vs sulka in form and meaning. Therefore some additional evidence and arguments are needed. A linguist would want to remain within the realm of linguistics and demonstrate how  suku might be found closer to saki in other dialects, or how a similar U-c-U can become A-c-I. However linguistics arguments is complex, since the linguist must becomes deeply familiar with both languages. It is easier to generally accept the similarity in form as being adequate, and explain the differences in meaning. 
    The argument would go like this. "What does the Finnic word suku really refer to? In modern usage, it translates as 'relative' a 'related person', 'of the same classification'.  But exactly who is our relative, and who is not. Does it include one's father's relatives? Does it include one's uncle's relatives?  Modern usage of suku does not care, but in ancient times, when people formed  themselves into extended family units, the people to be included was relevant. Even the way the interior of the shared home was subdivided in terms of who occupied what location, was relevant.  Thus with this in mind the Inuit word saki in identifying 'father, mother, uncle, or aunt-in-law' suggests that in prehistoric times the concept that Finnic reduced to generally mean 'relatives' originally referred to one's father and his brother, and their wives. Inuit culture I believe places men and their brothers close, perhaps because in the hunting activity, male assistance was needed. It was also a guarantee of a provider  for the family if one of the male providers was incapacitated.  Both saki and sugu/suki is referred to oneself, so the word relative basically only included 'immediate patrilineal relations'. Inuit culture was so dependent on the male hunter, that everything that could be done to support successful hunting activity, was done.  It is clear that one could write an entire paper around why saki and suku are related words, including making references to Inuit family structure, and those in the Finnic past.  So, it is necessary for the reader of this article to suppress any desire to sneer at the results, and accept that all the comparisons made here CAN be surrounded with lengthy arguments and evidence from other information sources. Care is taken by me to simply not offer examples that do need lengthy arguments and additional evidence. Our purpose is not to produce a linguistic document but simply to present enough evidence of parallels to convincingly show that the archeological evidence is indeed supported by linguistic evidence. Do not read this article in isolation from the earlier evidence from archeological investigations over the past century or so. This theory of the expansion of a Finnic-speaking oceanic boat people is not dependent on linguistics. The language parallels only ADD support to the basic theory.

A Review of How Languages Evolve


    Traditional comparative linguistics needs to find words that appear to have arisen from the same origins, and then by assessing systematic shifts in phonetics, etc. to theorize which languages evolved from which. A century ago, it was fashionable to try to find a sequence of events, in which languages became parents of further languages. In terms of the "Uralic" languages   As we quoted above from the Klesment et al paper, the traditional historical linguistics can be 'fudged' and linguistics is generally not very scientific and should not pretend to be. As the study said: Marcantonio considers the comparative method, used by traditional Uralists, debatable in principle (and she has a point), but she shows that even the method itself is used in Uralistics in a most inconsistent manner. Strict observation of the rules of the method is replaced by some general impression or “feeling”. When reconstructing the Proto-Uralic word stock, irregularities are mentioned but then ignored, and the lack of evidence in a given Uralic language is interpreted as the word being lost in that language. Therefore, most Proto-Uralic words have not been reconstructed in accordance with the established phonetic laws, based on direct evidence in actual Uralic languages. Instead, they are often grounded in reconstructions of intermediary proto-languages, such as Proto-Finnic-Permic and Proto-Samoyedic, deliberately neglecting incompatible Ugric data
    When reading this, the non-linguistic scientist realizes that linguistics, in spite of its grandiose opinion of itself, is really no more correct than what can be determined by other methodologies.  Traditional linguistic methoology is just a scientific methodology among other scientific methodologies. All that is necessary that the principle of SCIENCE are respected.
     In order to understand what can be done in terms of analyzing the words descended from prehistoric languages, compared to those descended from other prehistoric languages, we need to understand how languages evolve. What is obvious, and which is the greatest shortcoming of traditional comparative historic linguistics, is that languages do not develop entirely by natural drift, but that convergence during contact with other languages is important. The primary circumstances of language change may be based entirely on in situ (no migrating) divergence or convergence in accordance with amount of lack of contact or contact with neighbouring peoples.
    Here are some truths regarding language and how they can be interpreted.


   Humans are social creatures. and if we are able communicate with other humans, we want to do so. Our world of many languages is the result of barriers to communication, beginning with great distances preventing contact, and continuing to geographical barriers, differences in way of life, the establishing of territories that required some degree of polarization with neighbours who might want to intrude, or those who might want to fight to take over the territory.  But humans inherently want to live in peace with others, and maximize communication. This is obvious from the way the internet has exploded into world-wide communication, which is making English a worldwide language.

    With this in mind, in prehistoric times, with the various barriers to contact, languages did diverge into dialects, and in the long term dialects becoming extreme and turning into related languages. But if circumstances changed, and diverged neighbouring peoples came into contact again, there would be a great desire to 'catch up'. If the two languages were diverged from the same parent language, they would find that they spoke basically the same language. It was then easy to simply eliminate the discrepancies that had developed. For example, today Estonian and FInnish have the word talu/talo, but in Estonian it means 'farm' while in Finnish it means 'house'. If they meet, they could both decide to use the word to mean 'farmhouse'. Words that have no remnants can of course be completely abandoned. The significance of this is that if few such opportunities to "catch up" occur, then the languages will continue to diverge into increasingly extreme dialects. For example, among the boat peoples,  when people settled down and became tied to farms and settlements, the opportunities to make contact with more distant neighbours declined, and as a result regions like entire water systems, displaying a single language, develop into numerous internal dialects and then eventually into distinct related languages. For example the "Finnic" languages include some 5 or so languages, when perhaps 1000 years ago, there may have been a spectrum of dialects of what seems a single language. A 'dialect' signifies change that is small enough that it can still be understood without great difficulty.
    By contrast, if the means of contact returns to a region that has diverged dialectically, that dialectic divergence can then be reversed. In history the most responsible for such a reconvergence of dialectic differentiation has been the creation of large scale nations. For example the region now the nation of "Estonia" possesses a language that, although based on the northern dialect, embraces words and even grammatical features drawn into the new collective national language from its 3-4 original dialects. National languages were established from the national government policies, and then by the use of this national language in literature and media. Today of course, the internet plays the greatest role. If the national governments of the world and its boundaries and policies disappeared, our world of languages would return to dialects and languages shaped according to patterns of contact or lack of contact.    (Thus in a sense,  using modern national definitions of language, such as "Estonian" or "Finnish", are modern developments, and strictly speaking we must not pretend that we can compare them directly with languages that are still in their original state as dialects within a region - such as for example the Kwakiutl (Kwakwala) language within the region of Wakashan languages.


  If the two languages are no longer dialects, but are distinct languages that neither can understand, what happens?  First they try to identify words they have in common. If the languages are already close, the result is the new manner of speaking throwing away the words they do not share. In this way fragmentation into dialects is reversed, but the reversal does not return exactly to the original common parent language. In the case of the boat peoples lying at the roots of the Finnic languages, the reason it remained relatively undivided over a vast region for a long time, is because of the common practice of neighbouring peoples having regular gatherings at locations where neighbouring waterways came close to each other (as described in earlier articles/chapters)  When those gatherings (also found among the Algonquian boat people of the original Canada) ended, that is when the various dialects of the water systems broke up and eventually it all became related languages rather than dialects.
    But what if two different languages come into contact? Initially the inability to communicate tends to be a barrier, and if the desire to communicate was not strong, they would remain linguistically apart. But what if in a rough northern environment the ability, need and desire to communicate was great? What happens? Imagine English speakers trying to speak with French speakers for example. The communication will reduce to basic subject-verb-object sentences. Then each side will use the words that are most common in their language. They will say the common word over and over tryng to explain the meaning with gestures or miming. In the end there is a common language consisting of the common words of both languages.  This is natural, because it is easier to remember words of the other language that are frequently heard. Today everyone in the world knows  French "merci" 'thank you' or "bon voyage". This is because they are used so much. It is interesting to note that the Ojibwa (Anishnabe) Algonquian language used the word "boozhoo" for 'hello', but it is obvious it originated from contacts with French missionaries in the 1600's.  The Natives themselves might just have said something like 'hey!' but here were the men in black robes who always said "bonjour" to everyone. Thus we can conclude that the language of the prehistoric boat peoples, when meeting up with Asian reindeer peoples in regions north of the Ural Mountains, each had commmon expressions that were learned and remembered by the other. In the above example, the Algonquian languages would not have had much if any impact on French, because French was by now found widely used in two continents, and had too much inertia to be changed.  But if we have circumstances where both languages have equal inertia, are equally influenced by one another, then common languages will migrate equally in both directions.  This is the correct interpretation of the langauges traditionally called the "Uralic Languages". When the proto-Finnic boat peoples language encountered the proto-Samoyedic Asian reindeer people language, then over the period of millenia, commonly used words of one was adopted by the other, and vice versa. The result would be a convergence that reduced the original difference in the languages - more words in common, and differences weeded out.  The resulting languages then can be misinterpreted not as the result of convergence of two different languages but divergence from a common parent.  That is essentially the primary mistake made in Uralic linguistics.


    Is this principle applicable to the other expansion of boat peoples via the ocean?  We have to consider the neighbouring peoples and the chances of contact that cause changes the acquisition of commonly used words from the other language.  In the case of the Algonquian languages, we mentioned there would have been contact with the original woodland peoples, and possibly carbou (reindeer people). In the case of the Inuit language, there would have been contacts too with caribou peoples. The Inuit language thus can be expected to contain a large number of words that did not develop from natural linguistic drift, but acquired over thousands of years from contact with interior peoples. Note that since humans basically want to make contact with other peoples, we cannot every assume that if other peoples were within a reasonable travel distance that contact would be made. They would give each other gifts and it would develop into regular trade.
    The same argument can be made regarding the Wakashan languages and the many other Northwest Pacific coast peoples who moved to the coast and adopted the way of life based on salmon fishing and in some cases also whaling.
   In the case of the Basque language, the great presence of Latin-originated words from the Roman Empire, is noticable. If we remove all words that seem to be borrowings from Spanish or directly from Latin,  the remaining words contain a considerable number of words that resonate with Estonian. In the case of Ainu, we can presume  that most of the language borrows from other languages, starting with japanese.
    The most obvious example of the influence of other languages can be seen in the Karok, Yurok, and Hupa languages sharing the same river. When we look more closely at the Karok language below, the sharing of words with Yurok and/or Hupa is obvious in the original word list.
    The reason linguistics has avoided tackling distant languages is because no methodology exists that will address the convergence of languages. The methodology would involve using geographical, historical, and archeological data to ascertain what languages were in steady contact and then becoming aware of what words migrated over from those neighbouring languages. Merely using the lack of development of cognates in a language as evidence of borrowing is not enough, because it can merely reflect a lack of popularity of the word, and also that borrowed words can be easily embraced and develop cognates just as well as if they were inherited words. Today for example the word "text" as used with smartphones, is developing into many new forms in many languages even though the word "text" itself was borrowed from English.

    It stands to reason that words that are used constantly, are likely to endure generation after generation because there is no opportunity to change it. For example, in the Venetic inscriptions, the word .e.go can be claimed to be paralleled by Estonian jäägu because it sounds almost the same. But Estonian is 2000 years in the future of the Venetic inscriptions, and that would mean the jäägu has remained unchanged for about 100 generations. This is believable when we consider Estonians may use that word 100 times a day.  It means 'so be it', 'alright', 'let it be so', etc.  We can therefore conclude that if the Estonian word is actually little used, then we can cast doubt on our hypothesis. By contrast, we found that the Venetic word for 'duck' which was rako, has no common parallel in Estonian, but still survived as raca within only Slovenian., located close to the region where Venetic was found. When you think of it, in Estonian, unless you are a farmer raising ducks, you will not use the word for 'duck' (in Estonian part) very often.  'Duck' would be one of those words of things that we do not use constantly, and therefore are succeptible to being replaced by other analogous words.


    This preservation of frequently used pieces of language also applies to grammatical element and expressions. Whatever is spoken over and over many times  a day will develop an inertia, and that it is through this realization that we can assert some scientific integrity to comparisons.
    With this knowledge, we can now understand why the numerous words in Inuit  fail to display resonances with Finnic. We can see that they are words that are not used daily. It seems that the words that last thousands of years are the ones that are in such common use, that nobody dares to changed them.  There can be shifts in pronunciations, and even shifts in meaning - in both the Inuit and Finnic - and so it is important to realize that if we begin to look up rare Finnic words in order to find resonances, then we are increasing the probability of arriving at false results.
    In the following investigation of resonances with Finnic in the languages of the peoples discussed in connection with the oceanic expansion, you will note that the resonances are generally with common words that are likely to be used constantly. In order to get an intuitive sense of what words are common and deeply entrenched in a language, the analyst needs to have learned the language as a child as children are given the most common, basic language.
      In the past there have been "scholars" who have compared languages only by thumbing through dictionaries. That approach will produce many absurd results because in a dictionary, every word, old and new, original and borrowed, has the same value. There is no way of determining from a dictionary which are deeply entrenched in the language - and most likely very old - versus those that have been recently invented or borrowed to adapt to modern realities.
    If one is not raised in the language from childhood, there is a need to annotate a dictionary to indicate frequency of everyday use. It would be easily achieved. Children could be recorded speaking, and the frequency of use of the words recorded. This then will be transfered to a dictionary. Since sooner or later a child will say a word only spoken by his parent, so it will not exclude little used words.
  Linguists say that every millenia, as much as 80% of a vocabulary changes. But by the same token 20% may represent core words that are so important that there is a reluctance to change them. After 4-6 millenia, how many of those 20% unchanging words continue to survive? It is possible that words that resist change after 1000 years continue to resist change. The longer one uses a word, the longer one wants to continue to use the word. What is significant about the  interpretations below is the number of examples there are that relate to hunting, boat-use, land, sea, water, family, and other core concepts important to a boat-oriented people. Core words resist change. Loanwords tend to manifest in names of new things, not core concepts.



Across the North American Arctic:
Comparing Inuit  with Finnic Languages

    The following is a brief summary of the better words I have found in a relatively small lexicon of Inuit words. I avoid the grey zone of other possibilities. The grey zone is better investigated by linguists who can add further observations to justify their choices.  Here we give only those that really jump out strongly, and are quite obvious - needing no extensive arguing.
    Full disclosure, as expected, most of the words fail to display any obvious resonances with Finnic, and we can conclude that these words were for little used concepts and that the words were free to drift over the thousands of years, and/or to be influenced by languages towards the interior such as caribou (reindeer) hunting peoples. But even so, the rate of words that triggered apparent resonances to my familiarity with common  Estonian, was about one word in 55, which is signficantly better than my scanning an arbitrary North American Native language. Science is about laws of probability. If the rate of positive hits for the target language is significantly greater.than 'hits' by the same person with other arbitrarily chosen languages, then by laws of probability a departure from random chance suggests an underlyiing real reason.  If we edit the word list to remove words that would not be used constantly through hundreds of generations, the freuencies of resonances will be even greater. (In my investigation of a 1000 common word list of Basque, when I removed all the Spanish or Latin words, the rate of coincidences became quite large.
   The source of the Inuit words and expressions tested in my brief study included only a few 1000 expressions. (The Inuit Language of Igloolik, Northwest Territories, Louis-J Dorais, University of Laval, Laval, Quebec, 1978). There is wisdom in using common words and phrases in both languages, because it ensures that comparison is made between the 20% or so core words that resist change.
     The following examples do not follow any particular order. I note them in the order in which I encountered them. Note that to make the argument strong, I have not included examples that . Nor is the source of the Inuit words exhaustive as only a small lexicon was consulted (A small lexicon is not necessarily bad, as small lexicons will tend to present the most common words, and those tend to be generally the most entrenched and oldest). Nor are any obscure Estonian or Finnish words used in the analysis, to ensure that we are dealing with core vocabularies which are most likely to have endured. Note also that anything that is grammatical in nature tends also to be old, as grammar, representing structure, also tends to resist change. I  have selected about 54 words, which out of an original word list of 1000 words is about 1 every 20 words, which is very good. A control experiment might only find one arguable similarity in a couple hundred, and probably be false. Supportive evidence from outside linguistics is very important in this kind of analysis. Exhaustive anlysis to confirm the pairings below is beyond the scope of this article, but anyone is welcome to investigate anything here further.
    Note that we have to ignore the changings of the endings when the forms we pair are in different grammatical forms.


     1. Beginning with Inuit suffixes, the one that leaps out first is the suffix -ji as in igaji 'one who cooks'. This compares with the Est/Finn ending -ja used in the same way, to indicate agency, as in õppetaja 'teacher, one who teaches'. Indeed Livonian (related to Estonian) uses exactly -ji   This  ending would have been in common use, so there would have been an ancestral version that has survived millenia.
    2. The Inuit infix -ma- as in ikimajuq 'he is (in the situation of being) aboard'. The Estonian/Finnish use of -ma/-maan in a similar way describes a situation of 'being'. While modern Estonian uses -ma as the ending marking the first infinitive, it originated from 'a verbal noun in the illative (into)' (J. Aavik).This  ending too would have been in common use, so there would have been an ancestral version that has survived millenia. The MA sound is reflective, and would suit reference to something here and now.
   3.The Inuit -ksaq as in nuluaksaq 'material for making a net', strongly resembles the Estonian translative case ending -ks so that Estonian can say võrkuks '(to be made) into a net'. The Inuit additional -aq is a nominalizer, and Estonian also has -k as a nominalizer. The use of KS to represent an end product of some action, is psychogicallly suitable. This too would have endured for millenia.
     4. In Inuit the ending -ttainnaq means 'the same for' as in uvangattainnaq 'the same (another?) for me'. In Estonian/Finnish there is teine/toinen, meaning 'another, the other'. One may question this one, but it is recognized that words can reverse meaning. The reversal could arise from the word being used with a negation element, and eventually the concept of 'same' developes into 'not the same, another'. It is valid to see a link to the opposite concept  for a word that is the same in form.
     5. In Inuit there is -pallia as in piruqpalliajuq meaning 'it grows more and more. This compares with Estonian/Finnish palju/paljon 'much, many'. Inuit also has the expression pulliqtuq 'he swells' which compares with Finnish pullistua 'to expand, swell'. The P+vowel form is commonly found in language in association to expansion, to blowing something up, as in English "ball".
  6. In Inuit there is -tit as in takutittara 'I make him see' which compares with Estonian/Finnish tee/tekee 'make, do'.  This is not a good example, but to the Estonian ear it resonates with teeda 'to do'. This one is on the fence unless other evidence can be found.
     7. In Inuit there is -ajuk as in tussajuq  meaning ' he sees for a long time' or the similar -gajuk which makes the meaning 'often'. This compares with Estonian/Finnish aeg/aika meaning 'time'. This pattern has parallels in Algonquian Ojibwa language (people of the birchbark skin boat)
      8. Inuit kina? 'who?' versus Est./Finn. kelle?/kene? stem for 'who?'
       9. In Inuit there is suluk 'feather' which compares with Est./Finn sulg/sulka 'feather'. This is one of the clearest parallels. This is also an amazing parallel. It suggests that birds and feathers were very important. Perhaps feathers were a sign of land nearby. We note that aboriginal peoples liked to wear feathers. There must have been a major significant to prevent the word being changed in form or meaning. Furthermore, we will see later that this word also exists in the Wakashan Kakiutl language. See later.
      10. Inuit kanaaq ' lower part of leg' versus Est./Finn kand/kanta 'heel'. This is a good example of the word form and meaning being very close. The lower part of a leg is in deed the heel. The Estonian/Finnish version is a little more focussed towards the heel. I would not debate this one more. But see next.
      11. Inuit kingmik 'heel' versus Est./Finn king/kenkä 'shoe'  Here the word for 'heel' resonates with the Est/Finn word for 'shoe'. A shoe is a covering for the heel.  Difficult to debate this one.
      12. Inuit nirijuq 'he eats' versus Estonian närib 'he chews'  This one can be debated, because ninjuq omits the R sound.  Why not compare it to Estonian nina 'nose'  ('nose in food'?) This one needs more information, from within the language, derivative words, associated concepts. We need not leave any hypothesis because the connection is not obvious.
      13. Inuit saluktuq 'thin' versus Est./Finn. sale/solakka 'thin'  The Inuit stem is SALU which certainly resonates with the Est./Finn. This is a good one, as it is a concept used every day. There is always something that is thin. We may wonder if there is a connection to 'feather'. I would not be inclined to debate this one.
    14. Inuit katak 'entrance' versus Est./Finn. katte/katte 'covering'. This too is very believable. The Inuit building had entrances covered with a skin, thus if it began in the meaning 'covering', it acquired the meaning of 'entrance'. This was especially true of winter during which people lived in large snow houses, where the only covering was at the entrance.
     15.  Inuit ajakpaa 'he pushes it back' versus Est./Finn. ajab/ajaa 'he pushes, shoves (it)' This seems obvious too.  It is obviously a common everyday word that is likely to survive for hundreds of generations.
      16. Inuit kina? 'who?' versus Est./Finn. kelle?/kene? stem for 'who?' This can be debated on the exact forms, but in general what we see is the use of the K for interrogative pronouns. See the next. What we are are noting here is this use of the K.
    17. Inuit kikkut? plural 'who?' versus Finnish ketkä plural 'who?' (Estonian uses the singular for plural) 
   18. Inuit kinngaq 'mountain' versus Est./Finn. küngas/kunnas 'hill, hillock, mound' The form is not close, and this comparison can be debated. We need further evidence for this pair.  At least there is a general parallelism both in word structure and meaning. It could have experienced some shifting in form and meaning, but the shifting is not so much as to completely break those apparent parallels
      19. Inuit iqaluk 'fish' versus Est./Finn. kala/kala 'fish'.  This can provoke major disageement. However, all we need for a closer parallel in form is to have the intial "I" in iqaluk to be dropped, because then we have QALU-  It is because of this, that I accepted this paring. But ideally we need to present an argument that support the dropping of the "I" is it possible that in FInnic the word was once  IKALA.  On the other hand, the Kalapuyan and Karok languages do not show an initial 'I'.  Kalapuyan said K'AWAN (Y) 'fish' and Karok sais 'AAMA for 'salmon. K'AWAN certainly could be developed from KALA, while Karok 'AAMA seems if is based on another word. It is possible the ancient oceanic peoples did not give a single name to fish, but had specific words for different kinds of fish.
      20. Inuit tuqujuq 'he dies' versus Est. tukkub 'he dozes'.  The Estonian word is a colloquial word, that may have survived because it come into such common use, while the word for 'he dies' took another turn (sureb, which has connotations of being driven to the ground, while tukkub has connotations of sleep, the eternal sleep)
    22. Inuit iluaqtuq 'suitable comfortable' versus Est./Finn. ilu/ilo 'beauty joy delight'.  I paired  up there words on account of ILU. The form is exact, while the meaning is slightly shifted - the Inuit  highlighting comfort, while the Finnic highlighting a state of joy, beauty. The latter is only a slight exaggeration of the former and is an acceptable shift.
    23. Inuit akaujuq is another word for 'suitable, comfortabe' and might be reflected in Est./Finn. kaunis/kaunis 'beautiful, handsome'. In this case there may be some who would debate this because of the form, AKAU- does not exactly match KAUNI-. I agree that there may be reason to reject this were it not for the parallels with the ILU- pairing. Perhaps there is supportive evidence in other words, where we might find something close to KAUNI-
    24. Inuit angunasuktuq 'he hunts' or anguvaa 'he catches it' compares with Est./Finn öngitseb/onkia 'he fishes, angles' or hangib/hankkia 'he procures, provides'. The liking of hunting to fishing is not a problem because seagoing people hunting was identical to fishing. I find this paring is easy to argue and that more supportive evidence is available.
    25. Inuit nauliktuq 'he harpoons' versus Estonian/Finnish naelutab/naulitaa 'he nails'. But closer to the concept of harpoon is nool/nuoli meaning 'arrow'.  (Some words here have echoes with English words - like to nail - because English contains a portion of words inherited from native British language which was part of the sea-going people identifiable with the original Picts. Some also have echoes with Basque which also has connections with ancient Atlantic sea-peoples) We will refer to harpooning further later, as we find the same word in the Kwakiutl language!
     26. Another word of great antiquity in Inuit is kaivuut 'borer' which compares with Est./Finn. kaev/kaivo 'something dug out' today commony applied to a hole dug out of ground.  This is very close, especially between Inuit and FInnic   
    27. Inuit qaqqiq 'community house' versus Estonian/Finnish kogu/koko 'the whole, the gathering'. This pair too, matches in form.  The concept of 'community house' and 'gathering' are identical, other than an indication of a building. The shift that added the concept of a building could have arisen from the fact that in the arctic, community gatherings tended to be in the interior of buildings, and not in some open air location.
  28.Inuit alliaq 'branches mattress' compares with Est./Finn. alus/alus 'foundation, base, mattress, etc' This pairing too makes sense.  All that differs is the reference to the matress being made of branches. How far in the past has it been since Finnic peoples slept on branches matresses?!
      29.  Inuit ataata 'father' compares with Estonian taat/ 'old man, father'  This is a simple term that is found in many languages, and is similar to PAPA. It is natural, and probably does not need to be inherited through time.
   30. Words for family relations are words not easily removed, and Inuit produces more remarkable coincidences: Inuit ani 'brother of woman', compares with onu 'uncle' in Estonian, but in Finnish eno means almost exactly as in Inuit, 'mother's brother'.  When we consider that over millenia, these slight shifts in meaning can be expected, these parings with Finnic words do not need to be debated.
     31. Inuit akka refers to the 'paternal uncle'. In this case Estonian uses onu again, but Finnish says sekä 'paternal uncle' which is closer.  See later also ukko. This is a subject that can be discussed with reference to concepts of relationships in the societies concerned. But it is clear there are connections, since if we used a control language we would not see any of this to arouse even a debate.
    32. A most interesting Inuit word is saki meaning 'father, mother, uncle or aunt-in-law'. In Estonian and Finnish sugu/suku means 'kin'. The Inuit word meaning suggests an institutional social unit consisting of the head of a family being one's father and his brother, plus both their wives (our mother and aunt-in-law) As I wrote above, Inuit culture was based in hunting, and the male who hunted ruled the society. The brother was both the assistance to hunting, and the substitute if the other became incapacitated. The loss of the hunter, cold spell the end of the whole family dependent on them. This may have been the original meaning of sugu/suku, but that when the Finnic people left the hunting way of life millenia ago, the meaning became blurred and generalized, in much the same way we see above the Finnish eno means 'mother's brother' while Estonian has narrowed it in onu to just 'uncle'
     33. In Inuit, paa means 'opening'. This compares with Estonian poeb 'he crawls through'. The stem is used in Est/Finn poegima/poikia 'to bring forth young', and is commony used in poeg/poika meaning 'son', 'boy'; but its true nature is actually genderless. This interpretation can be supported with more evidence. Even the use of P+vowel for the concept of swelling seems to support an ancient meaning that was connected to childbirth producing a "POEG" who crawls out through the opening. Often the support for a pairing comes from associated words with similar basic elements.
     34. Inuit isiqpuq 'he comes in' is interesting in that it shows the use of the S sound in concepts of 'inside' which is common in Estonian and Finnish, as in sisu/sisu 'interior' or various case endings and suffixes. In this pairing it seems in frequent use, the Inuit lost its initial S.
    35. Another very basic concept might be seen in Inuit akuni 'for a long time', as it relates to Est./Finn. aeg/aika 'time', kuna/kun 'while', and kuni/--- 'until'.. Some may question this one because the Inuit word, akuni, doesn't exactly match aika or kun; but all relate to time. This could benefit from further evidence and discussion. Included in the discussion would be similar patterns found in the Algonquian language that appear to link to the idea of time. See the discussions about the Algonquian language below.
      36. Inuit unnuaq 'night' compares with Est./Finn. uni/uni 'sleep'. Here there is lack of parallelism between 'night' and 'sleep', however it is possible that the parallelism would be valid if originally the night was seen as the day being asleep. For an animistic worldview, the day can be viewed as a living entity that goes to sleep. While we cannot know for sure, the probability if high that this pairing of words is valid.
    37. Inuit sila means 'weather, atmosphere', and compares with Est. Finn. through sild/silta 'bridge, arc' if we use the ancient concept of the arc of the sky. Of course there will be those who will want to debate this. The answer will come from an investigation to see if in traditonal Inuit culture and Finnic culture, the sky above was considered to be an arc. Another perspective is to compare sila 'weather, atmosphere' with Est./Finn. ilm/ilma which has exactly the meaning of Inuit sila - 'weather, atmosphere'. Both concepts could be valid, since in the development of words in languages, often one word is used for two meanings through some small change. I believe there is enough here to proceed to a convincing argument in favour.
     38. The Inuit aqqunaq 'storm' is reminiscent of the earlier word akka for paternal uncle. It may imply that the storm was considered a brother of the Creator. The word compares to the Finnic storm god Ukko. In Finnish ukko also means 'old man'. Inuit also has aggu 'wind side', which implies the side facing the storm. In Estonian/Finnish kagu/kaako means 'south-east'. Prevailing winds travelled from the north-west to the south-east; thus the word may originate in a relationship to wind. Looking at all the evidence as a whole, the probability is very high, that Inuit aqqunaq is indeed mirrored in the Finnic words. I believe that if this is investigated further, the evidence will get better not worse.
    39. Inuit puvak 'lung' connects well with Estonian puhu 'blow'. Finnish has developed the word to mean 'speak'.  Later, the selected Kalapyan words include PUU£ for 'blow'. There may be sound-psychology involved but in my opinion something like these existed in the original parent language of the boat peoples. If this is debated, I believe the side in favour will tend to win.
   40. The Inuit nui(sa)juq 'it is visible' may have a connection with Estonian/Finnish näeb/näkee 'he sees'. In modern Estonian, the concept of 'visible' could be expressed by näedav. Algonquian Ojibwa has a similar word.  The general form is N+long vowel and it could be sound-psychological. This one could be debated, and other evidence would be helpful, to confirm this pairing.
     41. Inuit uunaqtuq 'burning' relates to Est/Finn. kuum/kuuma 'hot' but most strongly to Finnish uuni 'oven'. This Inuit word obviously matches the Finnic uuni, very closely. Even though the Finnish word means 'oven', in a world that did not have ovens, it would have meant  'heating' which is caused by 'burning'. The conceptual connections are very close. In early languages there were fewer words, and the precise meaning was inferred from the context in which it was used. Over the last ,millenia the number of words multiplied mainly because language was increasingly used in situations where it was not being spoken directly in context, and therefore words had to present more precise meanings. Thus it is valid to imagine  an original UUN+vowel word that had many meanings, but all related to the production of heat, warmth.
   42. Inuit kiinaq means 'edge of knife'. This compares with Est./Finn küün/kynsi 'fingernail'  Both the Inuit and Finnic words describe the same type of object - a thin blade with a narrow edge,  It is possible in prehistoric times the creation of a blade from flint, was seen as the creation of a tool that was like a large fingernail. And then with the development of metallurgy and metal knives the word was carried over into knives. I have not problem with making this pairing.
      43. Inuit aklunaaq 'thong, rope' compares with Est./Finn. lõng/lanka 'thread'. While the Inuit word has the AK at front, everything else with the pairing works. Note that in primitive times there probably did not exist a word for 'thread' because a 'thread' would have been seen as a very thin thong. When skin clothing or boat coverings were sewn together, the thickness of the 'thread' used would vary greatly. There was no basis for making a distinction between a 'thread' and a 'thong, thin rope'.  I am happy with this paring, although there is room still for wondering about the AK- in front. Is it a prefix giving an additional description to the thin rope? Was the original Est/Finn word AKLANKA?  But I don't think answering this question will significantly alter this result.
    44. Inuit words sivuniq 'the fore-part' compares exactly with Finnish sivu 'side, page'. But also Inuit sivulliq 'past', compares with the alternative Finnish use of sivu in the meaning 'by, past'. This kind of parallelism in two meanings, is powerful in arguing a connection since it is not likely to occur by random chance. In my opinion there is no debate about this pairing. It is interesting to note that in these parallels, the Finnish word is closer to the Inuit. This is to be expected since Finnish was located closer to the northern regions around the White Sea, where our boat-people theory suggests, the expansion of skin boat peoples began.
     45.The Inuit kangia 'butt-end' compares with Est./Finn. kang/kanki 'lever, bar' or kange/kankea 'strong, intense'  Here is another example of the Est./Finn. words having more than one modern meaning.  The 'butt-end' is the 'tail end', the non-business end. The business end of a lever, bar, is the end that is put under the object being leveraged. In a lever, the tail end is easy to move. The business end is magnified and strong. It makes sense that kange/kankea  would mean 'strong, intense'.  I think it is not difficult to connect the concept of  the 'butt-end' as the 'strong end'. I do not think there is a debate possible that can defeat this pairing.
     46. Inuit uses pi to mean 'thing', which has no parallel to Est. /Finn., however other words with PI show interesting parallels: Inuit pitalik means 'he has, there is' which may compare with Est./Finn. pidada/pitää meaning either 'to hold' or 'to have to'. Inuit uses piji for 'worker' and pijariaquqpuq means 'he must do it'. This is like Estonian pea 'must'  To be a worker means to do something that must be done, as opposed to in leisure one does not have to do what they are doing. Also pivittuq means 'he keeps trying but is unable to', which resembles Est./Finn. püüab/pyytää 'he tries, he entreats'. I see in this an entire system around P+vowel words that are associated with the 'work' of hunting in prehistoric times.
     47. In Inuit traditions and indeed throughout the northern hunter peoples, the man was always the hunter. This is reflected in Inuit ANG- words. We have already noted anguvaa 'he catches it'. There is also angunasuktuk 'he hunts', which is obviously related to anguti 'man, male', and angakkuq 'shaman'. Estonian kangelane, 'hero', but literally 'person of the land-of-strong' may have a relationship to the concept of 'shaman', and also to the earlier Inuit concept within kangia mentioned above.  In general we see here another example of an intense focus on hunting in both sea and land, and how hunting skills were greatly valued. Much could be written on this subject when we consider the way of life of the prehistoric boat peoples.
  48. Inuit also has several KALI words that have Estonian/Finnish correspondences. Inuit qulliq 'the highest' corresponds with Est/Finn. küll/kyllä 'enough, plenty'; Inuit kallu 'thunder' corresponds with Est/Finn kalla/--- 'pour;; Inuit qalirusiq 'hill' resembles Est./Finn. kalju/kallio 'cliff'. In general it looks like there are many dimensions to the KALI words, and it occurs both in Inuit and Finnic.
    As I said at the start, I have not arranged these words in any special order, but the next few words deserve special attention as they make references to the sea, and how the prehistoric worldview appears to view the sea as a mother.
     49. Inuit has amauraq for 'great grandmother' a word that might reate to Inuit maniraq 'flat land' . These two words relate to Estonian/Finnish ema / emän- 'mother/lady-' on the one hand, and maa/maa 'land, earth, country' on the other. As I discuss elsewhere, early peoples saw the world as a great sea with lands in it like islands, thus the original concept of a World Mother was that she was primarily a sea.  Thus the original word among the boat peoples for both World Plane and World Mother was AMA. The meaning of AMA did not specify land or sea. The proof of this concept seems to be found in Inuit maniraq since it contains the concept of 'flat', as well as in Inuit imaq 'expanse of sea' which expresses the concept of 'expanse'. Estonian too provides evidence that the original meaning of AMA was that of an 'expanse', the World Plane. For example there is in Estonian the simple word lame ("lah-meh") means 'wide, spread out'. There are other uses of AMA which refer to a wide expanse of sea. One manifestation of the word is HAMA, as in Hama/burg the original form of Hamburg . Also there is Häme, coastal province of Finland, etc. which appears to have had the meaning of 'sea region'. Historically, according to Pliny, the Gulf of Finland was once AMALA, since he wrote that Amalachian meant 'frozen sea' (AMALA-JÄÄN). The words for 'sea' in a number of modern languages, of the form mare, mor, mer, meri can be seen to originate from AMA-RA 'travel-way of the world-plane'. The equating of sea with 'mother' interestingly survives also in French in the closeness of mère 'mother' to mer 'sea'. The intention of this discussion is to show that the worldview appears to be a deep one, possibly being born when boat peoples expanded into the open sea some 10,000 years ago,
     50. However, we must also note that while Inuit 'great grandmother' is amauraq, the actual Inuit word for 'mother' is anaana Is it possible Inuit used N to distinguish between the sea-plane and land-plane. Indeed their word for 'land, earth, country' too introduces the N -- nuna. Or perhaps the N is borrowed from the concept of femininity because we also find Inuit ningiuq 'old woman' and najjijuq 'she is pregnant' which relate to Estonian/Finnish stem nais-/nais meaning 'pertaining to woman'. It is worth noting that we find a similar word in Algonquian Ojibwa, notably  I bring the passage from later into this paragraph "Another Ojibwa word element with coincidences in both Inuit and Estonian/Finnish is -nozhae- 'female'. We recall Inuit ningiuq 'old woman' and najjijuq 'she is pregnant'. These compare with Estonian/Finnish stem nais-/nais- meaning 'pertaining to woman, female-'. The Ojibwa nozhae is very close to Estonian/Finnish nais-/nais-, and with exactly the same meaning. Estonian says naine for 'woman', genitive form being naise 'of the woman'"  Such connections with Inuit help support my theory that the Algonquian languages descended from earlier skin boat peoples established in the northeast arctic of North America, perhaps the "Dorset" culture ot their ancestral culture.
    51. Inuit also says amaamak for 'breast' which compares to Estonian/ Finnish amm/imettäja for '(wet) nurse'. There is aso Est./Finn. imema/imeä 'to suck'. These coincidences are strong indications of prehistoric connections, and I don't think a debate about this pairing can be defeated.
    52. But, the words which are of greatest interest are words for 'water'. If there is anything that all the boat people have in common is the act of gliding, floating, on water.
     It appears that in Inuit the applicable pattern is UI- or UJ- same as in Estonian/Finnish. uj-, ui-, Inuit uijjaqtuq means 'water spins' whose stem compares with Estonian/Finnish ujuda/uida 'to swim, float'. Interestingly Inuit uimajuq means 'dissipated', but Estonian too has something similar in uimane 'dazed' , demonstrating that both use the concept of 'swimming' in an abstract way as well. (Indeed the concept at least survives in English in the phrase "his head swims" to mean being 'dazed'.) Considering the Inuit infix -ma- meaning 'in a situation, state', it seems that the stem in both Inuit and Estonian cases is UI, and that -MA- adds the concept of being in a state, situation.
   53. Other notable words might include Inuit umiaq 'boat'. Given what we have discovered so far. the Inuit UMI, might be a rearrangement of UIM- There is also Inuit has umiirijuq 'he puts it in the water'. On the other hand UMI- could have arisen from AMA for sea. Perhaps this is inconclusive. umiaq could mean either something of the sea or something that swims, floats. Either way, there is a connection
    54. The most interesting Inuit words to me, are tuurnaq 'a spirit' and tarniq 'the soul', because they compare with the name of the Creator across the Finno-Ugric world. It appears in Finnish and Estonian mythology as Tuuri, Taara, etc. And the Khanti still concieve of "Toorum". The presence of the pattern in Inuit is proof that it has nothing to do with the Norse "Thor", but that "Thor" is obviously an adoption by Germanic settlers into Scandinavia of the original indigenous  high god. Norse mythology imported into Scandinavia some Germanic mythology, but once there among the indigenous people, their mythology drew into it the indigenous deities,
     GRAMMAR: In addition to many basic words, such as given above, there are similarities between Finnic and Inuit grammar. The most noticable is the use of  -T as a plural marker, or -K- to mark the dual. (Although neither Finnish nor Estonian retains declension of a dual person, it is easily achieved by adding -ga  'with' into the declension, which is the Estonian commitative case ending.)
    It is not the intention here to do an exhaustive study of Inuit words and grammar, compared to Finnic words and grammar. Our intent is to demonstrate an adequate number of comparisons to make a case that the seagoing and whale hunting peoples that expanded to the North American arctic are one of the peoples who evolved from the expansion of a branch of the "Kunda" culture into the northern oceans.
    Obviously, these people had contacts with indigenous peoples, such as caribou (N,A, reindeer) peoples, both linguistically and genetically and we must expect it. But in my overall opinion the Inuit language has a fundamental form that suggest the same origins as the Finnic languages. This is an intuitive judgement, compared to my intuitve response to the Algonquian Ojibwa (Anishnabe) language which seems quite foreign to my Estonian ears, in spite of significant word parallels. For that reason I believe the Algonquian languages primarily influenced existing indigenous woodland peoples, with the indigenous language slightly holding the upper hand. We will look at Algonquian next.



Basques as Possible Descendants of Ancient Whalers

    The only surviving peoples of the east Atlantic coast that could be descended from whaling people and who have managed to preserve their language are the Basques, described earlier. While scholars do not consider Basque to be related to any other language, and have failed to link it to Finnic, the reason is that if we remove the obvlous borrowings from Latin from Roman times or later, a large number of the remaining words DO have Estonian parallels (I did not consult Finnish in this investigation)
   The results are just as good as our comparisons with Inuit and other whaling peoples languages covered in this article focussing on the languages. The proportion of words that  have believable matches in Estonians, are far better than random chance
    . I found the source of Basque words on a website that presented about 1000 most used Basque words. I found that the majority of Basque words were obviously Basque versions of Romance names, borrowed from many centuries of influence from Romans and then French and Spanish. Thus if we eliminate the Romance words, we greatly reduce the number of usable Basque words.
    From this limited word list I found a rate of coincidence with Estonian that is much greater than random chance. One has to recognize that the Basque words have to not only resemble Estonian words but the meanings have to resemble each other too. Even when the list is limited to the most believable pairings, the number is remarkably high given that after we removed all that Latin-based borrowings, there were maybe only 500 source words.
     The remarkable parallels between Basque and Estonian include the following:
1. Basque su 'fire', compared to Estonian süsi 'coal, ember', süüta 'fire up';
2.Basque oroi 'thought' compared to Estonian aru 'understanding';
3. Basque ama 'mother' compared to Estonian ema 'mother';
4. Basque uste 'believe' compared to Estonian usk 'belief', usu 'believe';
5. Basque ola 'place' vs Estonian ala 'field (of endeavour)';
6. Basque kale 'street' vs Estonian kald 'bank, shore' (ie original streets of boat people were rivers, shores);
7. Basque ke 'smoke' vs Estonian kee 'boil';
8. Basque leku 'space' vs Estonian lage 'wide open (place)';
9. Basque  hartu 'take' vs Estonian haara 'grab hold';
10. Basque ohar 'warning' vs Estonian oht 'danger';
11. Basque tira 'pull' vs Estonian tiri 'pull away, pull loose';
12. Basque gela 'room' vs Estonian küla 'living place, abode, settlement';
13. Basque lo 'sleeping' vs Estonian lÄbeb looja '(it, like the sun) sets, goes down, goes to sleep';
14. Basque marrubi 'strawberry' vs Estonian mari 'berry';
15. Basque txotx 'twig' vs Estonian oks 'branch''; Basque ohe 'bed' vs Estonian ase 'bed';
16. Basque osatu 'complete' vs Estonian osata 'without any part'';
17. Basque or, zakur 'dog' vs Estonian koer 'dog';
18. Basque jan 'eat' vs Estonian jÄnu 'thirst';
19. Basque jarraitu 'continue' or jarri 'become' vs Estonian jÄrg 'continuation', jÄrel 'remaining, to-come', etc;
 20. Basque giza 'human' vs Estonian keha 'body';
21.Basque haragi 'beef/meat' vs Estonian hÄrg 'ox';
22.Basque izen 'name' vs Estonian ise(n) 'of oneself';
23. Basque lau 'straight' vs Estonian laud 'board, table' (ie straight piece of wood);
24. Basque lasai 'calm' vs Estonian laisk 'lazy' or lase 'let go';
25. Basque ezti 'honey' vs Estonian mesi 'honey;
      Basque is considered to be descended from the people the Romans generally called Aquitani, located mainly in the Garonne River water basin as far as the Pyrennes mountains. Aquitani in fact implies 'water-people' in Latin. The name may have been inspired by Uituriges or Uitoriges ( Caesar Gallic Wars, I, 18) the name of a people who controlled Burdigala the town on the lagoon formed by the outlets of the Garonne River. The word Uituriges or Uitoriges resembles Estonian/Finnish because the the first part corresponds well with UI- words meaning basically 'swim', such as Estonian uju, Finnish uida.  The latter part of Uituriges, is the word meaning 'nation' (as in Estonian riik, riigi), hence the name Uituriges means 'floating nations'. An alternative name for them in the historical record was Bituriges. If this was a true alternative name, then we should look to BI in the meaning of 'water', and the full word paralleling modern Estonian Veederiigid, meaning 'water-nations'. This latter version would be the most applicable inspiration for the Latin Aquitani. I believe in a pre-literate world where people and places were named by describing them, that it is possible BOTH versions Uitoriges and Bituriges were used.


 Down into the N.E. Quadrant of North America
Comparing Algonquian Ojibwa with Finnic Languages


    Note: the Northwest Lake Superior dialect is used as it would be least influenced in recent times.
    In article/chapter 4, I proposed that the Algonquian indigenous peoples of the northeast quadrant of North America had origins in the arctic peoples, such as the "Dorset" or earlier culture, who arrived in the arctic waters in skin boats around 6,000 years ago and continued an established life of hunting whales, seals and walrus. They would have spoken a prehistoric Finnic language, according to the likelihood that the expanding oceanic peoples had an origin in the northern part of what is now Finland. When a group had arrived in the eastern Canadian arctic,they of course found the waters uninhabited, since boats as part of a way of life had not yet developed in North America. However, there would have been pedestrian hunting peoples towards the south, perhaps in what is now Labrador and northern Quebec.  Contact  with these people may have influenced the language a little. But when some of the arctic skin boat peoples ventured further south either from Hudson Bay, or south along the Labrador coast, they would have also encountered indigenous woodland hunters - pedestrian too, and avoiding post-glacial flooded lands. In any case, the resulting languages were those called "Algonquian:" by linguists today, and their basic form was that of the original indigenous people, but heavily modified by the boat people from the arctic, who would have intermarried with the indigenous peoples, and both introduced a boat-oriented way of life, and had a significant influence on language. That is my theory to explain the results of my investigation of Algonquian languages, selecting the Ojibwa (Anishnabe) of northern Lake Superior as the subject. The reader is welcome to offer other scenarios, if there is other information available, to explain they results presented below.
  The Algonquians of Quebec and Labrador called themselves "Innu". There were the Labrador Innu associated with the Churchill River, Montagnais Innu associated with the Saguenay River. But as we moved west, the names changed a little. The Algonquins of the Ottawa River valley today call themselves "Iniwesi" which means 'we people here alone'. The Ojibwa peoples use variations of the word "Anishnabe" whose meaning is something more complex than 'the people'. However all the Algonquins have their word for 'man, person' in a form similar to inini. Just as I was originally drawn to the Inuit language because the word is plural for 'person' (singular is inuk) so too I was drawn to the name Innu in Labrador and north coast of the Saint Lawrence, and to the word for 'person' inini.  I found it a mysterious coincidence that Estonian possesses the word inimene for 'person'. plural inimesed. wherein -mene, -mesed seems to mean 'in the nature of us'  or 'INI -in our character'.
    In my investigation of a large number of words from the Ojibwa language I looked for words that might pertain to boat peoples  to see if I could find words and ideas in common with Finnic boat people traditions. Considering also grammar, the results looked more like the way of life with boats, along with a good number of words, had descended south and very substantially impacted the indigenous peoples - perhaps to the extent of introducing a boat-oriented way of life in a previously uninhabited  post-glacial lakelands which proved to be successful and expand rapidly through all the previously occupied lands only usable with the boats, the birch-bark sking boats.
    Whatever the best explanation is, here is the results of my comparisons with Finnic, which I decided to group according to subjects most relevant to boat-oriented peoples. For example we saw in the Inuit language the stem AMA which was similar to the word for 'mother' (actually the word for 'grandmother')  We will now see that the Ojibwa language had AMA, even though they lived in inland waters not the sea. Interestingly too, the Algonquian peoples pictured North America as a large turtle in a sea, a concept that would only be envisioned by seagoing peoples accustomed to travelling long distances in the sea. Thus there is linguistic support for the idea that the Algonquian birch-bark skin boat originated from arctic skin boat peoples.
     1. WATER: THE WATER-BODY: One of the concepts discussed earlier is the use of the AMA pattern to express 'water' in the sense of an expanse, a sea. In the discussion of the Inuit language, it appeared it was found there. Yes, we can find it within Ojibwa. For example 'he surfaces out of water' is mooshkamo, the word for water being expressed by I believe -kamo. The AMA pattern is also in gitchi/gami 'great water-body = ocean, sea'. The intrinsic meaning, from the psychology of soundmaking, of AMA was 'wide expanse, world-plane'. The  idea seems to be present in Ojibwa, in that gami properly refers to a 'water-body, sea' and not to the liquid. But we can go further and even find that one of the Ojibwa patterns for 'mother' is -geem- which is relatively close to gami. Does this indicate a view of a large water body as mother, the same as we see everywhere else? (Estonian ema, Basque ama 'mother')  Thus we can here see at least a coincidence in worldview - of seeing the expanse of the sea as the Mother Earth, except the earth was seen as a plane of water. In ancient Europe, the world was seen as a large plain of water, with land in it like islands. It is a concidence, of course. All seagoing peoples who do not know how the surface curves into a sphere will see the Mother as a Great Sea.
    So far we have not discovered much yet. We will have more success when we turn to the Ojibwa word for 'water', the liquid.
     As already mentioned in Part Two, the Finnic word VEE or VII is the stem for 'water'. But also the pattern UI- in Estonian/Finnish also speaks of water, liquid.  It is possible that vee developed from ui-. The -N adds the idea of possession, genitive case. There is a very good argument - early languages did not recognise as many sounds. Let us take the Inuit language for example. It only recognises three vowels I-U-A.  That does not mean you cannot say "E" or "O".  They will simply be interpreted as one of the three recognized sounds.
   2. WATER, THE SUBSTANCE: Although the Inuit language presents the V sound, the Ojibwa/Anishnabe language lacks the V, and B plays the role of the V. We can call it a sounded B, as opposed to the silent one. In the Ojibwa/Anishnabe language there exists the suffixes biiyauh a verbalizer meaning 'quality character nature of water or body of water' and bi, bii 'verbalizer/nominalizer refering to liquids, water'. Examples are biitae 'water bubble', biitau 'surf', nibi 'water', ziibi(in) 'river', mooshkibii 'he surfaces out of water'.  It can be argued that the sounded "B" was the original sound, since it is easier to make than "V". In other words, the Inuit "V" and even the Finnic "V" may have originated from a softer B-like sound that is simpler than "V". (A chimpanzee can produce a "B" sound!) Thus the original word for 'water' or 'liquid' may have sounded not like modern Est/Finn. "VEE", "VII" but more like "BHII" or "WII".   
   It is clear that there is indeed parallelism between the Ojibwa and Estonian/Finnish, considering that Ojibwa did not have the "V" sound, that "B"="V". While Inuit presented the pattern UI- for 'water', Ojibwa presents BI. We note that the sound "V" can also evolve from a consonantal use of U (ie "W"). Is it possible that "UI" was the original word for water among the original boat peoples?
  Concluding, generally we see that, although vague, both Inuit and Ojibwa have words that suggest that at a very ancient time the concept of 'expanse of sea' was AMA, and that the 'expanse of the sea' was identified with the World Mother. Furthermore, both have the same word meaning 'water, liquid' if we allow the possibility that "UI-" can evolve into "BI-". And we can include the Finnic languages, if we allow that "UI-" can also evolve into "WI-" and "VI-".
    But at the same time, if a people knew themselves as 'boat people' using the word UINIT, then if a group lived in circumstances in which everyone was a boat people, then the concept reduced to simply 'people' in distinction with animals.

    Are there more connections between Algonquian language and Finnic? The following paragraphs will take a quick and brief look at the Ojibwa language, to see how it fares in terms of finding Estonian/Finnish coincidences. Linguists, do not be alarmed. I am only pointing out coincidences. Further investigation will be needed to find adequate support for the hypothesis to consider it to actually demonstrate a truth rather than to be mere interesting observations. According to the laws of probability, one coincidence proves nothing. Just like a lawyer presenting evidence in a court of law, the more evidence there is, the greater the probability of there being something true and real in it. The pursuit of a large amount of evidence and logical arguments to tie them all together, is the standard practice also in archeological science. The more evidence archeology finds, the greater the strength of the hypothesis. That is always our objective. The reader must not judge any hypothesis in isolation, but - like a jury has to experience all the evidence in a court of law - the whole array of evidence and argument must be digested and judge. If you simply jump here and there in the following text, you will not see anything.
    In PART TWO we saw some remarkable coincidences with Finnic lanuages in the Inuit language of arctic North America and the Kwakwala language of Native peoples on the Pacific coast who have whale hunting in their heritage.
    The Algonquians became of course inland peoples, but they had canoes and exploited lakes and rivers for food, and their legends actually tell of having origins in the east, at the mouth of the Saint Lawrence.  Did they originate from skin boat peoples who several millenia ago became established at Newfoundland? Did those boat people come from the "Dorset" whale hunters, or from a new more direct crossing from arctic Norway?
    The examples given here are from the "Ojibway Language Lexicon" by Basil Johnson, presenting his dialect of north of Superior, a dialect that is unlikely to have been subject to much influence from modern developments.   
   3. GATHERING: Ojibwa Koogaediwin means 'village', 'temporary encampment'. As we saw above there was Inuit qaqqiq 'community house' versus Estonian/Finnish kogu/koko 'the whole, the gathering'. Indeed in the Estonian landscape a common name for a village was Kogela 'place of gathering'.
   4. DUALISM: We saw that the Inuit language had the dual form, but that was not significant since the explicit recognition of a dual form is only needed if the concept of being in a paired situation is important. What was important though, was that it appeared that the dual form was marked by the "K" as it is in Estonian/Finnish (example kaks/kaksi 'two'). In Ojibwa too, the sound "G" appears to have a function similar to Estonian at least in its commative case ('also, too')    In Ojibwa, the pronoun niin means 'I' but adding ge- to the front as in geniin makes it 'me too'. This is analogous to Estonian ka mina 'also me'. It applies similarly to other pronouns. Random coincidence or evidence of a very distant genetic connection? The latter becomes more probable if we can find more coincidences in grammatical elements. If this is the only one, then no.
    Continuing evidence of the use of G for dual: Ojibwa reveals a dual in the imperative, where commanding two people is marked by -G at the end. For example commanding one person is biindigen! 'you go inside', while commanding two people is biindigeg!. This resembles the Estonian plural imperative, which uses the -ge ending as in mine! becoming minge!.
     Ojibwa also distinguishes between animate and inanimate words. All nouns in Ojibwa or Cree language are animate or inanimate and the verbs must agree. The main marker is that animate nouns always end in G in the plural, while inanimate nouns end in N in the plural. For example the animate inini 'man' in plural becomes ininiwag while the inanimate ishkode 'fire' becomes ishkoden. This phenomenon of animate versus inanimate can be interpreted in an interesting way. Animate beings are things which 'accompany' the human, and thus require the K, G sound that marks accompanying. In other words 'fellow living beings'
    5. ACCOMPANYING ANIMATE CREATURES: There is no distinction between animate or inanimate in Estonian/Finnish, but once there may have been, since many names of animals or trees begin with KA, KO, KU. For example Estonian karu, koer, kajakas, kaur, kala, kull, kask, kuusk, etc .(bear, dog, seagull, loon, fish, seagull, birch, fir, etc)  It suggests the primitive ancestors named animate things with "KA" plus some descriptive suffixes. It is clear that in the ancient past there was a more systematic use of the K sound in ways that recognized parallelism of animate things.
      6. THE EVERLASTING WORLD: It is significant to investigate the Ojibwa word for 'land, earth'. As I said above, if the sea-people used the word AMA to refer to the World-Mother, and mainly to the Sea-Mother, then they would have had another name for the land. In Basque (another language with deep roots), 'earth' is given by lur. This could in my view originate from Finnic ALU-RA 'way of the firmament, foundation'. The Ojibwa word for 'earth' is aki, but this word is similar to Ojibwa words related to time! For example ajina 'a while, a short time'.  And once again we see a parallel to FInnic since it compares with Estonian aja- stem  meaning 'related to time'. In the Inuit examples we saw Inuit akuni 'for a long time', which we compared to Est./Finn. aeg/aika 'time', kuna/kun 'while', and kuni/--- 'until'. Estonian also has the interesting imperative akka! meaning 'begin!'. Ojibwa has akawe! with the reverse meaning 'wait!'  These examples of words pertaining to time suggests that the Ojibwa word for 'land, earth' presents the concept of 'the everlasting place'. 
     7.SPIRIT: The Ojibwa use of CHII in chiimaan, the word for 'canoe, boat, water-vessel' is peculiar, but can be explained in terms of the concept of the human body being a vessel of the spirit -- the boat too was seen as a vessel, container, hence the name chiimaan. One of the unique aspects of boat-people spiritual world-view is that spiritual journeys are seen to be carried out in spirit boats. The word for the soul-spirit in Ojibwa is chiibi after death and chiijauk when still alive. We can speculate on whether it has a connection with the Chi of oriental worldview, but for the present, we can point to Estonian, and its traditions using "HII". Most recently in Estonian tradition HII was used in the idea of grove as in püha hiis 'sacred grove', Thus one may wonder if it only meant 'grove'. The answer is that püha 'sacred' is probably redundant in  püha hiis. The -S ending on hiis suggests it originates from HIISE, meaning 'something connected with HII'. Elsewhere in the Estonian vocabulary one finds that hiig- means 'extreme, giant'.  The concept  'big, high, great' exists in Ojibwa also in the word kitchi.  Perhaps there is a connection between the two CHI situations. (?)In that case the common concept in all is 'extreme'.  This discussion is not as convincing as some of the earlier examples, but it is relevant because in the Finno-Ugric boat peoples the image of the spirit boat was strong, and boats were the original coffins.
     To continue the quest for coincidences, the following are a sampling of words in no particular order, that jumped out at me. A proper study of correspondences requires a greater knowledge of Ojibwa than I have. Ojibwe, like Inuit, is built from strings of elements. There are no clear 'words' in the sense of modern European languages having clear 'words'. Thus it is necessary to be able to break down the words into constituent components. For that reason it is best if the analyst knows the Algonquian language well enough to grasp the inner composition.
     8. The Ojibwa word inashke! sometimes abbreviated to na! can be compared to Estonian näe! 'look!' which is based on Estonian/Finnish näha/nähtä 'to see'. There was a similar situation above with Inuit.
     9. The Ojibwa word awun 'fog' is interesting because the Algonquians had the practice of the sweat lodge, which in Finnic is called sauna. In Finnic the word fails to break down, other than au means 'honour'; but if we assume auna is 'fog', then the initial S would suggest 'in the fog'.
     10. An interesting Ojibwa word that used the word for 'water, surf' is kukaubeekayh meaning '(river) falls'. This word compares with Estonian/Finnish kukuda/kukua 'to fall'. Plus add vee 'water' . So in Estonian one can say kukuv vee-. 'falliing water'. Also kukozhae 'ashes, cinders' may reflect the same meaning of falling. An Ojibwa speaker can tell us if the implication in the kuko- element is 'fall'.
     11. Ojibwa kun means 'bone', and it compares with Estonian kont 'bone'.
   12. Ojibwa pun means 'lung' which reminds us of Inuit puvak 'lung' which connects well with Estonian puhu 'blow'. Ojibwa puyoh means 'womb', which reminds us of Inuit, paa 'opening', Estonian poeb 'he crawls through' Est/Finn poegima/poikia 'to bring forth young'.
     13. Another Ojibwa word element with coincidences in both Inuit and Estonian/Finnish is -nozhae- 'female'. We recall Inuit ningiuq 'old woman' and najjijuq 'she is pregnant'. These compare with Estonian/Finnish stem nais-/nais- meaning 'pertaining to woman, female-'. The Ojibwa nozhae is very close to Estonian/Finnish nais-/nais-, and with exactly the same meaning. Estonian says naine for 'woman', genitive form being naise 'of the woman'
    14. In Inuit (see PART TWO) we found the word for 'father' to be ataata. However the common Estonian word for 'father' is isa. This is reflected in Ojibwa -osse- 'father'.
     15. In Ojibwa we have the following referring to trees: metigimeesh 'oak', metigwaubauk 'hickory', and metigook 'trees'. In Estonian/Finnish mets/metsä means 'forest'.
     16. Ojibwa iss, iz, izo is a verbalizer, reflexive form, indicating action to the self, to one, to another. This compares with Estonian/Finnish ise/itse '(by) self'.
    17.Ojibwa kae is a verbalizer that makes nouns into verbs. Can be compared to Est/Finn. käis/kydä 'to go, function'. There was something similar in Inuit.
   18. Ojibwa ssin, assin shin is a verbalizer meaning to be in a place. This compares with Estonian/Finnish cases and words that use -S- and denote a relationship to the 'inside' of something. For example Estonian says tule sisse to mean 'come inside.' Note that we found  that Inuit too employed "S" to convey the idea of 'interior'
   19. In terms of pronouns there is nothing close to Estonian/Finnish, except for kakina 'all' which compares with Estonian/Finnish köik/kaikki also meaning 'all'.
    20. Another very close parallel is between Ojibwa naub or naup meaning 'lace, string together, connect, join, unite', and Estonian/Finnish nööp/nappi 'button'.
   21. Ojibwa pagi, pagid 'release, let go, free liberate, set free' can be compared to Estonian põgenik/pakolainen meaning 'refugee, escaper'.
     22. Ojibwa asin means 'rock', which compares with Estonian/Finnish asi/asia 'thing, object'.
     23. Ojibwa kayashk 'seagull' corresponds to Estonian kajakas 'seagull'. This is an almost exact parallel. Is it possible that in their seagoing days, seeing seagulls was important - a sign they were close to land, and the importance of the bird ensured the word would endure.


 Down into the West Coast of  North America:
4A. Kwakiutl,
4B. Karok,
4C. Kalapyan

  It is well known that there are whale migrations going up and down the Pacific coast of North America and some Native cultures with whaling in their heritage. What is the nature of these whaling cultures? DId they come south from Alaska and Aleutian Islands at some distant time in the past?
     During the 1970's when a student at the University of Toronto, I went into the stacks (shelves) of the university library where books were kept and pulled books off the shelves in the section covering the North American Native (Indian) languages. Flipping through the word lists, I scanned for words that resembled Estonian words . At that time I had only done my study on the Inuit language (summarized above)and had wondered if any of the numerous other Native languages of North America would produce similar results. Would I find more coincidences? What would it mean if I did?
    At that time I had not formed any theory about circumpolar migrations of boat people, and I looked at every language for which there was a book (there were almost 500 languages in North America in the 17th century, so I must have looked at least a hundred). I hoped to find words that would have resisted change such as words for 'mother', 'father', 'earth', 'sky', 'water', 'fish', 'sun', 'day' and so on. If I failed to find any parallel within a few minutes, I moved on. If I did find interesting coincidences I lingered longer to find more and to evaluate whether I was looking at pure coincdences of whether there seemed to be real parallels indicating a distant genetic commonality with Estonian.
    What I discovered was that I was seeing Estonian-like words in languages along the  Pacific coast, known more commonly as the Northwest Coast (of North America). I only discovered later that the speakers of these languages were either whale hunters, or salmon-catchers. The next section looks at the language and culture of the whale hunters around Vancouver Island, that linguists have grouped under the name "Wakashan". Everything about them suggested the arrival of whalers from the north, perhaps about 5000 years ago.

The Wakashan Language of Kwakwala, compared to  Finnic Languages


      It is well known that there are whale migrations going up and down the Pacific coast of North America and some Native cultures with whaling in their heritage. What is the nature of these whaling cultures? DId they come south from Alaska and Aleutian Islands at some distant time in the past? Our previous chapter  4. Oceanic Voyages investigated the archeological and related information to find indications of deep whaling traditions and cultural aspects that linked them back to the Inuit which we have above connected back to arctic Scandianvia. But the linguistic side of the investigation has been reserved for this separate article/chapter.
    Because there is no official linguistic methodology for handling languages whose common parent may have existed as much as 6,000 years ago, I used basic scientific principles.  These principles are from sociological exerimentation which mainly included using a 'control' in order to determine the value of the positive results against what is achieved with 'control'. The 'control' languages are arbitrarily chosen languages that represent languages that cannot have any connection to Finnic.  (In other words, how often would I encounted words in the arbitrary 'control' languages if the languages are proven NOT to have any relationship to Finnic. The results will then be a measure of the rate of false results. If for a 'control' language I find form and meaning similarities I find acceptable in only one in 500 words, for example, and then find form and meaning similarities in the whaling people language at the rate of about one in 50, then that is a very very solid positive result that is indicative of the acquisition of the words  through inheritance of borrowing in its past history from one to the other or vice versa.  Determination whether the words are inherited or borrowed is more difficult, but  usually similarities in grammatical structure or grammatical elements, are indicative of common grammatical roots as well, which tends to indicate the presence of inherited words. Of course the final conclusions will not be based entirely on the linguistic perspective, but also all the other information from archeology and related data and logical arguments.
         During the 1970's when a student at the University of Toronto, I went into the stacks (shelves) of the university library where books were kept and pulled books off the shelves in the section covering the North American Native (Indian) languages. Flipping through the word lists, I scanned for words that resembled Estonian words . At that time I had only done my study on the Inuit language (summarized above)and had wondered if any of the numerous other Native languages of North America would produce similar results. Would I find more coincidences? What would it mean if I did?
    At that time I had not formed any theory about circumpolar migrations of boat people, and I looked at every language for which there was a book (there were almost 500 languages in North America in the 17th century, so I must have looked at least a hundred). I hoped to find words that would have resisted change such as words for 'mother', 'father', 'earth', 'sky', 'water', 'fish', 'sun', 'day' and so on. If I failed to find any parallel within a few minutes, I moved on. If I did find interesting coincidences I lingered longer to find more and to evaluate whether I was looking at pure coincdences of whether there seemed to be real parallels indicating a distant genetic commonality with Estonian.
    What I discovered was that I was seeing Estonian-like words in languages along the  Pacific coast, known more commonly as the Northwest Coast (of North America). I only discovered later that the speakers of these languages were either whale hunters, or salmon-catchers. The next section looks at the language and culture of the whale hunters around Vancouver Island, that linguists have grouped under the name "Wakashan". Everything about them suggested the arrival of whalers from the north, perhaps about 5000 years ago.

    The "Wakashan" family of languages found in Northwest Washington and along the west coast of British Columbia is one of the smaller language families that cannot be tied to other language families, This by itself suggests a newer arrival compared to the languages that have North American roots going back up to 10,000 years.
     There are six languages in this family of which Nootka and Kwakiutl have the greatest number of speakers remaining. Others are Kitimat/Haisla, BellaBella/Heiltsuk, Oowekyala, Makah, and Nitinat. All of them have whale hunting traditions in their past.

Figure 1

wakashan languages

Map showing the traditional location of the Wakashan Languages which appear to have deep roots and whaling traditions. Kwakwala language, described next, belongs to the North Wakashan group and occupies the largest area (hatched area).  All of the Wakashan groups have whaling in their traditions, some more strongly than others.

           In my random investigation of Native (Indian) languages in the University of Toronto library in the 1970's, one of the books I discovered in which I saw Estonian words was A Practical Writing System and Short Dictionary of Kwakw'ala by D. M. Grubb (National Museum of Canada, Ottawa, 1977). In spite of the complex orthography the author created, I was able to sense Estonian-like words. Not as many as when I investigated Inuit, but significant nonetheless. 
  A Practical Writing System and Short Dictionary of Kwakw'ala began by presenting a complex orthography based on the capabilities of a normal typewriter (the book was prepared before PC's) In my opinion the best orthography is one that is based on Latin sounds and the Roman alphabet and modification of it..  The following are close to Latin   A, B, D, E, H, I, L, M, O, P, Q, S, T, U,  and some extensions such as Ä which is the A found in "happy", and English for W, Y   These are then modified by   adding a faint sound after one of these major ones. I will show these lesser sounds with small case. Thus for example we have Dz as in English "adze" or Dl as in "maudlin" or  Gy as in "egg-yolk" and so on. If there are two sounds modifying the main one, the order chosen will be one that give the closest effect when read. Other conventions used here:


( example in TsI ' STÄLÄ)

     While I could have used other ways of describing the words, including universal phonetic alphabet,  I use the conventions given here to make reading of the following so intuitive that anyone can read it, who has a basic understanding of the Latin standard of pronunciation of the Roman alphabet. 
     As for my representation of the Estonian and Finnish words, here I write them in caps and add the stress on the initial syllables, purely to make it look similar to the way I write out the Kwakwala words. The Estonian or Finnish words are already written close to the Latin standard, with small variations.  The stress in Finnic words is always on the first syllable. Also, in Estonian j = "Y" in English, and Finnish y= "Ü" in Estonian or like EU in Latin.  In Estonian-Finnish  ö is like "E" with rounded lips, and Õ is like Ä with lips rounded. For the Kwakwala words, we use the common application of the Ä for the sound found in happy, while A is the sound in father

      As in the case with the other languages studied, I selected only the examples that are believable. To keep it brief,  I  avoid the derivations or compound words. Note that the words are all based on commonly used words, and that the author does not get involved with the internal structure of the language (word stems vs grammatical endings and their rules.) Note that the Kwakwala words are in various common forms and the Finnic suggestions may not be in the same form and this may affect meanings not being in parallel - such as the Kwakwala word being in a verb form and the closest Finnic form being perhaps a noun. Therefore comparisons must adjust for the lack of exact grammatical parallels.



OLA  for 'truth'  which compares with Estonian/Finnish  OLU  or  OLO   'state of being' from the verb 'to be' which is Ole. The argument to support this is the conceptual truth that what IS, is what is real and true.  What we would want as additional support is to find out how it is used.

KhwALÄ  for 'alive' which compares with Estonian/Finnish  ELAV or ELÄVÄ  'alive'  from ela 'live'. We ignore the first part of the Kwakwala wordm based on the Kwakwala stress being on last part, The Khw- beginning cold prove to be merely a systematic phonetic characteristic of their speech. It would be useful to ascertain this, to help support  this , by establishing the true function if any of the initial Khw

ÄLUMÄS  'new'  which compares with Estonian/Finnish   ALUS or ALUS  'foundation, beginning' In this case  we propose that the the ancestors of the Kwakwala culture  developed the meaning of 'beginning' more strongly that the Finnic additional meaning of a physical foundations, including a mattress.

  'go'   versus  Est/Finn  HE  This is such  common word in Est./Finn that it is easy to believe it has endured for millenia

LAN 'I go'   versus Est/Finn  HEN  Amazingly the first person singular ending is the same!

LÄHyqDAN  'I went' versus Est/Finn  LÄKSIN  or LÄHIN    Here we see the Finnish :"H": or Estonian "KS" being paralleled by Kwakwala "HyqD". This change is explainable by the fact that one uses the present tense more often than past tense, which makes the past tense marker more changable over time,

LA'MANTs  'we are going to'   versus Est/Finn  LÄHME  or LÄHEMME  'we are going to...; we are going'   Here we again see a grammatical marker parallel in the use of M in the 1st person plural.

LhANTA  'to blow nose'   versus Est/Finn  LENDA  or LENTÄ   'fly!'   This is debatable, but it is amusing as we imagine something blowing out of one's nose. This needs more investigation into associated words, such what is the word for 'nose', and whether the word for 'blow' has connotations of flyings. This is a good example in which further research is necessary to determine if this paring should be accepted or not.


LÄ   'hear'    versus Est/Finn  KUULE  'hear!' This pairing is very positive, because there are other words, see below, of this general structure, that pertain to sound. See the next two.

QhÄLÄSÄ  'did you hear that?'     versus Est/Finn  KUULSID?  'did you hear that?'   Note that the S may be a 2nd person marker in both since we have already seen parallelism in the 1st person singular and plural.

KhALAM  'tongue'    versus Est/Finn  KEEL or KIELI  'tongue, language'  Here the Kwakwala -M and stress on the last part of the word seems to be a nominalizer, namer. The Kwakwala seems more primitive, in that 'tongue' is noticably formed from the word for 'hear'.

(Estonian versions are contrived to parallel the Kwakwala word in putting the noun in partitive sense as the first part of a compound verb)
WA KhÄLÄ  'to hear the sound of water'   versus Est. VEE-KUULA(MA)  'water, to hear' ('to hear water') 

LA  KhÄLÄ   'to hear banging'   versus Est.  LÖÖ-KUULA(MA)   'hit, to hear' ('to hear the hit')

'YÄLÄ   'to hear footsteps'   versus Est  KÄI-KUULA(MA)  'walking, to hear' ('to hear the walking'

These last examples seem to also affirm the parallels between
 WA- and VEE- for 'water'
LA- and LÖÖ- for 'hit, bang'
- and KÄI-for 'step, walk'   (See also  Inuit qaiqujivunga meaning 'I ask to come.')

QwALÄh  'flood tide hitting rocks'   This word reflects something also in Estonian - describing water flow (not necessarily sound) Estonian has KALLA 'pour' and  KALJU 'cliff, ridge (in water=reef)' If sound is intended Estonian has LA 'to sound, resonate (far)'  Finnish has similar if not identical examples.Note also that above we saw the Inuit kallu 'thunder' . This is obviously the same, as the sound of surf on rocks would be a thundering sound.

It is interesting to note these words for sound and pouring and cliffs, because it reflects a dominant experience of people constantly dealing with water, rocks, and the sound of surf. It would be reason for these words to endure. They are not in Inuit because the Inuit were not dealing with the same pounding surf as coastal people of the Northwest Pacific coast.

We saw above that is the stem for walking, stepping. Here are fome other uses of the element-
 SÄ   'walking'  
The best way to interpret this into Estonian or Finnish is to use the ending -SE which was common in Finnic in earlier times as a nominalizer, giving KÄI-SE    'the walking'.
' WÄP   'water'   compares with  Estonian/Finnish VEE- whose most common noun form is VESI, partitive VETT  The word also resembles English (Germanic) 'water',  but it is unlikely this word was acquired in recent history, because the water is such a constant part of the live of coastal people, that it is unlikely to be replaced. The Germanic word probably originated from Finnic,  in Europe

WELÄ  'loose on water'  seems to display a similar case ending in -WELÄ  to Estonian-Finnish VEEL or VEELÄ  'on the water'  The first part KhAN is probably related to the word for 'walking'. Thus an Estonian parallel might be KÄI-VEEL  'go upon water'

QIWELÄ  'too long in the water'  uses the element QI to represent 'too long' . The element QI evokes the use of -GI in Estonian as a suffix meaning  'yet, still'  Thus we can form, in reverse order the Estonian VEELGI  'still on the water'
It is in words for family and relations that we see most connections to both Inuit and Estonian, and these tend to prove the theory that the Kwakwala language derives from circumpolar boat people who originally moved into the arctic at the White Sea and later through the interior to the Alta area.
SUYÄ'|IMÄ  'heritage, family' SUGU / SUKU   'family' SAKI 'father, mother, uncle or aunt-in-law
U'MÄ  'noblewoman, queen' EMA / EMÄN- 'mother/lady'   AMAURAQ 'great grandmother'
QÄS 'your grandfather' UKKO  'myth: sky-father'  AKKA  'paternal uncle'
ANIS   'aunt' ONU / ENO   'uncle' ANI 'brother of woman'
OS   'father'
ISA / ISÄ  'father' -?--(might exist but I have not found it)
ABAMP 'one's mother'

ABI/APU   'help'  (Est and FInn uses the concept of  'help' in the meaning of 'mate' as in 'husband' or 'wife'

  GENERAL LIST (not grouped, in random order)

GAGUMAS 'shadow'   suggests Est/Finn  KAGU/KAAKKO'south-east'   which also resonates with Inuit UQQU 'lee side'
 (note that if prevailing winds are from the northwest, the shadow/shade is on the southeast side of an obstacle to it.)

MI '   'evil power'    suggests Est/Finn  HÄMAR/HÄMÄRA  'dim', dusky' This is debatable,  but the next word, with the same HÄM-  stem and a meaning closer to the Est/Finn parallel, helps to support both.

MÄNIKw  'scared speechless' compares with  Est/Finn HÄMMASTA/ HÄMMÄSTYÄ  'to amaze, astound, startle'

SAL'YÄ   'sorting out'     compares with Est/Finn  SELETA/SELITTÄÄ 'explain, sort out' This seems believable.

ThsALThsALK  'down feathers'  compares with  Est./Finn. SULG / SULKA  'feather'  which compares with Inuit SULUK 'feather'  In the Kwakwala version, we note it means 'down feathers' and therefore the first part, ThsAL would mean 'down' and presumably the second part ThsALK refers just to 'feather'.  The repetition could refer to the way the down feathers are under the regular feathers. Ideally we should obtain confirmation from someone who understands the internal structure. But if true, then this shows a special reverence for the feather throughout all these oceanic boat people that ensured its survival for millenia!

LAIHwqI'LÄS  'fire in hole'   uses a stem for 'fire' that resembles Estonian LÕKKE or LEEK (Finnish LEIKKI)  It might also be related to LÄIGE 'shine' or Finnish LEKOTELLA 'to bask in the sun' This complicated sounding word could be assisted by some breakdown of its internal structure.

KUHwq ' ID  'break in half' seems like  Est/Finn KATKEDA   'break in half'. Also 'two' os KAKS(I) In this case, it would be helpful to find more related words in the Kwakwala to affirm  the form better.

PAM    'hairy face'     HABAHysTE  'beard'            Est: HABEMES or HABE  'beard' This is remarkable, because it may indicate that the people who originally arrived  by sea, may not have had Asian origins. This is what we would expect from "Kunda" culture origins at around 6,000 years ago  Since Asian influences to northern Finland came a little later. This idea of an original arrival at that early time by sea can then explain why the Ainu men are well-bearded.  Of course in more recent history the Alaskan Inuit became genetically mixed with the Chuchki peoples on the Asian side of the Bering Strait and became more mongoloid (light or no beard)  By this theory too, the Greenland Inuit would tend to be more beared than the Alaskan Inuit.  In the case of the Kwakwala, we reported in the last article/chapter 4, that after the first inhabiting of the coast, presumably by the Wakashan whaling peoples, that indigenous peoples from the interior joined them on the coast. These would have been people with light or no beards. Thus for people with beards, the presence of people without beards, would have been something relative to notice.

  KhUKhU ' NÄ 'neck'             Est. KUKAL  'back (nape) of neck' This is so close that it is difficult to argue about this pairing.

' NI ' YU     'shoelace'            Est  NIIT   'thread'   Of course, shoelaces are modern, so the original meaning would have referred to any thin thong or thread.

GÄ   'go (on)!!'                 Est  HAKKA!  'start! go on!'  The Kwalwala word here sounds so Estonian-like, it is difficult to reject this one.

LAQAKhwAS   'burnt place'  compares with  Est/Finn  LAGE/ LAKEA  'open area, clear, open'

NOLHÄ   'to cover with harpoon'   compares with Est/Finn NOOL/NUOLI   and Inuit NAULIKTUQ 'he harpoons' This is another renarkable example of a word that is found in all three languages, and on top of it, the word refers to something that would be an essential tool for whale hunters. The Est/Finn contracting of the meaning to 'arrow', is of course due to the fact that Finnic peoples stopped being whalers millenia ago, but the use of arrows to shoot at waterfowl, etc still remained. The word survives also in English "nail" but here even more degenerated. Is it possible this is a word that dates back to reindeer people in the Ice Age?

GUKwALÄ  'be together (in a house)'   compares with KÜLA/KYLÄ  'settlement' This and the next Kwakwala words seem to suggest that  the original stem was KO for 'together' and that adding -LA, which created KO-LA  meant 'place where people are together'  This could give insight to the genesis of original Finnic words.
GUKw  'house'   employs the KOO concept found throughout Finnic regions  KOGU/KOKO 'all; gathering'  KODU/KOTI  'home, hut, teepee'

NOGAD   'maker of songs, wise man'    compares with NÕID / NOITA  'shaman, sorcerer' This seems right, but it is open to debate, and additional evidence and discussion.

MAHwqÄ   'potlach'         compares with Est/Finn MAKSA  'pay'  (Note, the potlach custom of the Pacific coast was to hold a feast in which the host gave away gifts in order to win a good standing with hosts - because it was not enough to be strong: neighbours had to recognize it.  In this case the Est/Finn MAKSA is already conceptually more like 'give gift payments' than to 'pay debts')

HANAKA  'requesting'    compares to Est/Finn  ANNA  'give' This is debatable, and we can offer another Estonian word - HANGI  'to procure'. More investigation of this and related words will help determine whether these comparisons are valid.

PUSA  'to swell up from soaking' compares with PAISUDA/PAISUA  'to swell'  This is clearly valid because we find it also in Inuit. See Inuit puvak 'lung' and the discussion under 39.

PhÄLhÄ  'lay a hand on'  compares with  PEALE/ PÄÄLE  'onto top of' This is a remarkable parallel. The Kwakwala version is practically parallel

ISEN  'I do not'  compares with Est/Finn negation word EI / EN  The Kwakwala word however sounds like it is  1st person verb, as it has the -N on the end.  So what we are considering is  the stem ISE.  Further investigation into its usage would help.

'NÄQwA'ÄLÄ   'bright, lighted'  compares with GEMINE or KÖ  'seeing, sight'  I seleced this comparison because when something is lighted, it is visible. I also noted that the N + vowel construction often was connected to observing, seeing, in the other languages studied.

LI 'ALUT   'crew'  compares with LIIT / LIITO  'league, union of people, team'  This is of course debatable. What is additionally needed is more examples of usage and meanng of the :L!-  as that appears to be the significant part of the Finnic LIIT words.

HykIQALÄ  'fire'  might be reflected in Est/Fin  HIGI/HIKI  'sweat'  This is another of the less convincing comparisons. All we have to support it is the fact that the heat of fire makes a person sweat. More investigation is needed. I might have excluded this one. The aim here has been to present only the most  believable examples, that can appear acceptable as shown.

IK  'good'    which is best compared to Finnish IHANA 'wonderful' which is represented in Estonian with IHA 'desire, craving'  This is  possible and believable, but further evidence is  of course desirable.

IKhÄLhÄ  'high above'   might resonate also with Estonian/Finnish  IGA- / IKA- 'eternal'  The Kwakwala word structure probably breaks down to  'extreme-high', and the  IKI word in Finnic too probably has a root meaning of 'extreme'  and it may even be sound-psychological.

The following is a little different as it inserts the H sound...

IHyk'MAN  'I am fine'   might compare with Est/Finn; IHU / IHO  'the totality of skin, body'

    What is remarkable with Kwakwala, as with Inuit, is the large number of words relating to family that have correspondences with Finnic, as well as some grammatical parallels that are noticable in the words. These tend to point to common deep origins, even if over time the superficial vocabulary has changed. These characteristics point to genetic origins ultimately in a common language and not borrowing,  Note that this is just a simple investigation. There are other languages of the Wakashan family of languages, that may provide more insights and more parallels with Finnic languages, and which suggest a long heritage extending back some 6000 or more years to the sea-hunters of the Baltic  The studies made here were not exhaustive and the intent was only to show linguistic evidence to add to the archeological and related evidence, to make a case for the reality of the long distance voyages of whaling peoples.
    From what I have seen, further proper linguistic study will find more grammatical parallels. We have noted vague similarities in 1st and 2nd person markers and case markers.The Wakashan languages bear further investigation from a Finnic and from a whaler-people perspective.
    In my original search for lexicons, I did not find any large lexicons of other Wakasan languages, so further investigations into the Wakashan languages are possible, and this investigation of the words in A Practical Writing System and Short Dictionary of Kwakw'ala is not the end of the investigation of the Wakashan group.  We continue below to a quite different people further south, the Karoks, who also appear to have a language with a mysterious connection to Finic.

Linguistic Insights to Deep Mythology - Humans are descended from KOLI  or KALEVA

      I have already mentioned elsewhere that already scholars have noted some cultural similarities across the arctic world. If we include the Wakashan cultures into our scenario of expansion of seagoing aboriginals some 5000 years ago, then we might be wise to see what we can find in their culture.
     I did some investigating with respect to cultural similarities in Inuit, Kwakwala and Finnic cultures, which will be summarized here. These similarities help support the linguistic and archeological revelations. Our methodology is multidisciplinary and we do not have to find convincing evidence only within one field, but read all the information as a whole, much as a detective does.
       In the case of the Inuit culture, there was shamanism and associated beliefs and mythology. Shamanism has vanished in Finnic culture - which has modernized in keeping with the growth of Indo-European civilization for over a millenium - but shamanism remains alive in the most remote Finno-Ugric cultures, such as the Khanti of the Ob River. Shamanism is also found among the remote Samoyeds, and perhaps exists within Saami culture somewhere, if one looks for it.
      In the Inuit culture the shaman was called angakkuq, a word obviously related to anguti ('man') and anguvaa ('he catches it'). While Estonian and Finnish have similar sounding words like the Finnish onkia ('he catches fish') or hankkia ('he procures'), there is no clear linking them to shamanism, unless it is the Estonian word kangelane based on kange 'strong' , which means 'hero, strongman'.  The Kwakwala word NOGAD 'wise man' or 'maker of songs' however is close to Estonian/Finnish  nõid or noita  'sorcerer', 'witch', 'shaman'.
     Also tying in with mythology is the belief in storm deities. Inuit presents the word aqqunaq for 'storm', which was close to akka 'father's brother'. Finnic mythology saw a god in the storms called Ukko.
    In addition Inuit presents kallu for 'thunder' which reflects Kwakwala QwALÄh  'flood tide hitting rocks'. Finnic mythology pictures an ancestor called Kaleva which can be possibly seen as a present participle of KALE (KALLU??) where all Finnic peoples are seen as 'sons of Kaleva'. Nothing is known about this mysterious ancestor, so presumably he is a deity. Let's look at the Pacific coast to see if we can find a similar thunderous deity there.
     Kwakwala mythology held that the common ancestor of humanity was the Thunderbird, that everyone was a Thunderbird before becoming a human. Thus it would have been interesting if the Kwakwala word for Thunderbird was similar to Kalev. But this is not the case. However on the Northwest Pacific coast there was a second deity. A storm had both lightning and thunder, hence there ought to be two deities, brothers to one another. Indeed, in Kwalwala mythology the Thunderbird was always accompanied by an equally awesome bird (which is also represented in totem poles) whose name was KOLI, who was the brother of Thunderbird.  Since KOLI is close to the Kwakwala words for sound, the original concept was probably that there were two birds, a bird that caused lightning (ie the Thunderbird is improperly translated and should be Lightningbird) , and another brother bird who created  the sound - the actual 'Thunderbird'..
    So KOLI is really a thunder bird, while the so-called Thunderbird is really a lightning bird.
    What probably transpired was that originally men with beards, and NOT mongoloid-looking, like the Ainu men, arrived as European boat peoples at the Pacific and settled on a yet-uninhabited coast as early as 6,000 years ago. As the millenia passed, contact was made by the Wakashan group with Natives from the interior, and other peoples from Asian origins who were mongoloid. They did not have noticable beards. Furthermore they had the concept of the Thunderbird, but it was more of a lightningbird,  who also produced thunder from its wings.  Meanwhile the Wakashan whale peoples did not have a lightningbird, but they had a concept of an UKKO who had a brother KALEVA who produced thunder. So when the two cultures met, the bird symbolism came to be used - especially since the area had the inspiration of bald eagles overhead, that the native Thunderbird had a brother. It was named 'thunder' (Inuit Kallu) The other common bird of the area was the raven. It follows that originally Kwakwala mythology used the word KOLI for the Thunderbird, and in that case the Finnic and Kwakwala mythology would both hold that humans were descended from KOLI, KALE, KALLU, etc.  If we were to see humans being descended from something, it would probably be thunder, since it is the thunder roll that has the effect, not the flash of lightning.  The Inuit culture, with its kallu for 'thunder' did not preserve this mythology probably because in the high arctic thunder storms are rare, and any early mythologies connected with thunder storms would have been forgotten.
       To summarize: before the boat people moved into the arctic where there was no lightning and thunder, there was a deity in ligntning and mostly in thunder. We can see that the whale hunter visitors saw the thunderbird as responsible for lightning in Finnic ÄIKE , IKKE / UKKONEN  'lightening'  and also in the Karok  IKXIV  'thunderhead' .and that the sound part was achieved by his brother KOLI, KALE, KALEVA, etc who was then symbolized on the Northeast Pacific coast as a raven. Humans were seen as descendants from the Thunder God, KOLI. Back in the original Finnic regions on the other side of the world, this mythology took the form of the legends of people being 'sons of Kaleva' where the meaning of "Kaleva" was lost in the haze of time.
    In Karok, the name of the creator of lightning was IKXIV. I failed to determine from my source material a word for 'lightning' in Kwakwala, but I think the following listed above, applies: IKhÄLhÄ  'high above'   which I compared with  IGI- / IKI- 'eternal' but which can also compare with the word for lightning - IKKE. 
    In Finnic mythology, there is a god called UKKO. This was the Lightning God, because Finnish still uses ukkonen to mean 'lightning'. In Estonian variations on this word pattern for 'lightning' are äike and pikne.  The Inuit word for  'storm', aqqunaq, is similar. Perhaps a storm was seen as the events involving lightning. Since we saw above that Inuit also saw akka as 'paternal uncle' all things considered, the maker of thunder  and  father or humanity, was  KALLU, KOLI, etc  and his brother UKKO, IKKO, etc accompanied him to produce the flashes of lightning. It makes sense that the maker of thunder is the more significant as it is the thunder that terrifies and not the flash of lightning.
      We can thus say that the archeological "Kunda" culture are the first 'sons of Kalev' as they were the first to hunt large sea mammals in the open sea.
     The original North Americans certainly had their own words for lighning and thunder too, and Wakashan languages could have adopted a word from a neighbouring people. But I think it was difficult to abandon KOLI for a competitive word because the word described sound, and there were so many words relating to sound in their languages that had a similar form.    We also note that Finnic mythology does not picture the deities as birds. Thus the concept of the bird as the cause of thunderstorms may be original North American, and the Wakashan peoples were influenced to adopt the idea.  Except that the Wakashan culture needed to picture two birds, two brothers. Nowhere else in North America I don't think, is a storm thought to have been made by two deities. Most of the time, the Thunderbird in North American mythologies causes both the lightning and the thunder.  

The Karok Language compared to  Finnic Languages

       Above, through words in the Kwakwala language, we looked at the Wakashan group in the region of Vancouver Island, who were original arrivals on the coast and brought whale hunting traditions.  In this section we look further at the Northwest coast of North America.continue south along the Pacific coast of North America and consider other Native peoples whose relationship to the whale hunters is less clear. They may represent later arrivals since both examples we look at were forced to establish themselves upriver not on the coast, suggesting the coastal parts of the rivers were already settled when the arrived
    As discussed in article/chapter 4, the Karok peoples lived in the upriver part of the Klamath River in California (see map below), and downriver to them were the Yurok and Hupa. This suggests the Yurok and Hupa were settled on the river first, and the Karoks came next and were relegated to the remaining upriver region. This means, unlike the Wakashan peoples, the Karoks were not the first, and therefore the Karoks could represent a later arrival by boat than the original one who followed the whales.
    It is known that sea trade was established in Europe a several millenia BC, and that ancient Greeks (see Herodotus) even wrote about rumours that the Phoenicians had circumnavigated Africa. But at the same time ships in the Aegean could reach the Indian ocean via the Red Sea, and once in the Indian ocean, explore trade potentials eastward, even as far as the California coast. Note that the ocean currents would tend to push ships from the vicinity of the Phillipines eastward to the northeast Pacific coast. Such sailors could have been those history records as Veneti, that arose from amber trade between the Baltic and the Aegean civilizations, and therefore, trade ships with Finnic crews could have carried out such trade voyages.

In spite of sharing the same river, the Karok language was completely different from that of the Hupa and Yurok. It is only the Karok language that offers the resonances with Finnic in strong ways. The language however shows plenty of borrowings from the others, as well as sharing of many cultural and religious practices.  Since customs and culture can be adopted easily, which learning a new language is difficult, it is not surprising that if the Karoks were immigrants to the Klamath River, perhaps starting out as a trade colony to collect wares from the Yuroks and Hupa, then they could have been traders from Finnic trader origins in Europe. That would then explain the correspondences between Karok and Finnic.
       Thus, in this case we may not be speaking of the first expansion of seagoing boat peoples devoted to whale-hunting, but the later wave of Finnic-speaking expansions through the seas and waterways through professional trading. When this new wave occurred, and reached the Pacific is another question. The changes in language are probably too deep to attribute the Karoks to  the fur trade that began shortly after the Spanish invasions of North America. These fur traders came from Russia, and often the ships had Estonian captains and crew. Any borrowings from these occasional visitors would be only centuries old, and look much closer to Estonian than what we see here. Moreover such recent visitors from civilization would have no motive for settling in the wilderness..
      Figure 2

The above map from "The Cultures of the Northwest Coast" by Philip Drucker (1965) shows the various Native nations and languages of that coast. The variation in the language groups are often so extremely different from their neighbours, that much speculation has been fuelled as to how the diversity of peoples arrived there - which came by boat and which came from the interior and borrowed maritime habits already found there. The scheme is not exactly the same as some other interpretations. For the Vancouver Island area, the Wakashan group of languages, see also the earlier map. I have added "Kalapuya" because I will look at some of its words, later.


    The Karok words in the source The Karok Language, William Bright, uses a phonetic orthography dating to the 1950's. In order to be reasonably consistent with what I did with writing out the Kwakwala language  in a more readable fashion, I interpreted the orthography of the Karok words in my own way like with the Kwakwala, based on extended Roman alphabet and Latin phonetics. The accent mark in the original  I show by bolding and the dot  representing length II show by doubling the letter. Sadly until recently with the establishing of an international phonetic alphabet there have been very many phonetic orthographies, so that I am sometimes lost when looking at older materials. If my interpretation of the sound of a KAROK word  is a litle incorrect, I don't think it is serious enough to alter the comparison with an Estonian/Finnish word. We are not pursuing precise linguistics here, just scanning for coincidences in sound patterns and meanings  that are beyond the probability of random chance. To better understand how William Bright 'heard' the words, see  Bright, William   The Karok Language, 1957, University of California Press, Berkeley&Los Angeles
     Thus to summarize: the phonetics of Latin is used as before with Kwakwala   TRYING to present it the same way; bolding means emphasis of a sort, length is shown by doubling the consonant. Furthermore the  '  means glottal stop.  The Estonian/ Finnish words are written in standard Estonian/Finnish without further markings. (Those with no knowledge of Estonian,  the variations from Latin pronunciation are not great. The most important characteristic about Estonian and FInnish is that the first syllable is always emphasized and there are the special characters with umlauts  Ä,Ö  for AE and OE)
(Note a ? is added for those which I consider worth debate and more information)

ESTONIAN/FINNISH (stress on 1st syllable)
'AAHKU  'to burn'  
'AHI-  'to burn'
'AAHA  'fire, lantern'     
AHI / AHJO   'fireplace / forge'
-AHI is also used to mark the past tense. Estonian uses the -SI- or -I- to mark the past tense.
' IŠ   'flesh, body' 
  IHU / IHO  'flesh, body'
PAAH   'boat'     
PAAT   'boat'
' IMMAAN   'tomorrow'        
HOMME / HUOMENNA   'tomorrow'
KUUSRA(H) 'month; sun, moon'  
KUU / KUU    'moon'
' IPAHA  'tree'   (This can  be debated because of the initial I)
PUU / PUU   'tree'
YUMAA 'pertaining to the dead'   
JUMAL / JUMALA 'god' (J is pronounced like Y)
KOO     'all'      
   KÕIK / KAIKKI  'all'
KOOVAN  'together'      
KOOS / KOOSSA  'together'
KOOKANHI  'to accompany'  
KAASA/ KANSSA 'in accompaniment with'
KARU  'also'       KA  'also'
' AXAK  'two'  
KAKS / KAKSI  'two'
TIIK   'finger'  
TIIV  'ear'
TIIT  'fin' 
TIIB or TIIV  'wing'
IKXIV  'thunderhead'     
ÄIKE , IKKE / UKKONEN  'lightening'
'ARAARA 'man, person'   
This comparison may be debatable and more info is desirable)
RAHVAS  'a people, nation'
'IINIŠ 'to come into existence' 
' IIN   '(the world, human race) to exist' 
compares with Inuit words like inuit 'people' and inuusaaqtuq 'he is born' and also those in Algonquian


' AAHO   'to walk, go'  (note glottal stop at start is a K-type sound) Compares with Kwakwala QASA 'walking'   and Inuit  qai- KÄI /KÄY  'walk, go'

' AAS  'water'    
   compares with Kwakwala 'WÄP 
VESI/VESI  'water'
Est. stem VEE-
VIIHI  'to dislike, hate'  (almost exact!)
VIHA / VIHA  'anger, hatred'
IMYAH-  'to breathe'     
HINGA / HENGITTÄ  'breath'
  IME  / IMEÄ   'suck
SU' VARIH  'deep' 
SÜGAV / SYVÄ   'deep'
SU'    'down, inside'      
SUU / SUU  'mouth'
IMUUSTIH  'to look at, watch' 
Same pattern as the Estonian not Finnish , unless Finnic has lost its equivalent
' UUS   'pine cone'     
KUUSK / KUUSI  'fir-tree'
VAASAN 'enemy'
VAASIH  'back'     
VASTA / VASTA  'against, opposing', 'opposite side'?
' AASIŠ   'go to bed'  
ASE  'bed, nest'
KOOKA  'kind, classification'   
KOGU / KOKO  'grouping, collection'
SIIRIH  'to shine'
SÄRA  Est. 'sparkle'
TAAT  'mother'  
Since Inuit ataata refers to 'father' this looks like a gender reversal
TAAT Est. 'old man'
TÄDI 'auntie'
  'AKAH   'father'
  compare with Kwakwala QÄQÄS 'your grandfather' and Inuit  AKKA  'paternal uncle'
UKKO  'mythological god'
MA'    'mountain' 
MÄGI / MÄKI   'mountain'
PATUMKIRA 'pillow' 
PADI  Est. 'pillow'
'AAMA 'salmon'   
This looks like a simple matter of substitution of M for L ?
KALA / KALA  'fish'
YAV   'good' 
HEA / HYVÄÄ   'good
' AK 'pertaining to use of hands' 
More info needed for this one.
KÄE/ KÄEN 'of the hands'
' ASA 'to wear on one's body'   
KASUTA Est 'use'
KASUKAS Est 'fur coat'
HOOTAH  'late'   
OOTA / ODOTA 'wait'
KUNIŠ  'sort of, kind of'        
-KENE Est 'kind of'
-TARA  'instrument'   
TARVE / TARVE 'instrument'
-VA  suffix for action over extended time -V / -VA  suffix marking present participle
-TIH  suffix marking continuing action  
-TI  ending for Estonian past imperfect passive
-AHI   like past tense      
-SI / -I   marker for past tense
These examples are consistently pretty good. I only made a few comments regarding further information being desirable. Note that these represent about 30 parings with Finnic which is comparable to the proportions of believable results in the other languages. I did not count the number of words in the Karok lexicon, but it could have only been in the hundreds, which would make 30 believable ones a very high rate.

        The Karok source words I scanned also include all kinds of compound words and derivations. We selected only those that show strong correspondences. Some may be coincidences, but some patterns are sufficiently unique that they could not appear by random chance. For example the words that have similar patterns in Kwakwala, Inuit, and Finnic such as 'AKAH   'father'  (Kwakwala QÄQÄS 'your grandfather', Inuit  AKKA  'paternal uncle', Finnic UKKO 'sky-father') or  ' IIN   '(the world, human race) to exist'  ( Inuit words like inuit 'people' and inuusaaqtuq 'he is born', Est/Finn inimene/ihminen 'person'). Note that there could be many more, but for all these investigations of  words the word list was to various degrees limited. These are not thorough, not exhaustive, investigations. Words that endure a long time are words that were used practically daily and only changed in general characteristics.
    The most interesting word in the Karok list is PAAH for 'boat'. Today Estonian says PAAT and it is very common.  Since this word is similar to puu, 'tree', it is possible that when whaling people created skin boats and had both skin and wood boats, they were inclined to distinguish between the skin boat and small wood dugout (which continued too),  The normal word vene for boat came ultimately from the concept of 'gliding, floating, on water', but if you had two kinds of these - the one that was of skin and the dugout, well you would like to distinguish between these two, the one made of a tree being the PAAT (ie PUUT?). In any event, unless it is a brand new word, the Karok PAAH did not come from English 'boat' . The English 'boat' must have come from the seagoing peoples into original Native British back some 5000 years ago and inherited into Anglo-Saxon.
   Unfortunately the studies presented here are not exhaustive nor intended to be. My intention is only to point out remarkable coincidences in language to add to the broader multidisciplinary study that includes the information from archeology and associated sciences.
    We find such remarkable coincidences in the next languages as well. In this case the number of words available to me was very limited, and therefore the small number of coincidences actually still represents a very high rate, even larger than 1 in 35. The similarities of a few words to Karok seems to suggest the Kalapuyans may have been a branch of the original Karoks, as we discuss below.

The Kalapuyan Languages compared to  Finnic Languages


    Immediately to the north of the original home of the Karok Indians lay the homelands of the Indian tribes that belonged to several linguistically defined groups including the Shasta, Takelma, and Kalapuyan. Although Kalapuyan tribes are not often discussed in connection with the North Pacific Coast culture, as they lived slightly inland (see map above), they occupied the banks of a major branch of the Columbia River, a river that flowed into the Columbia from the south, and no doubt they lived by fishing salmon as intensely as the Columbia River Chinook Indians.
     Kalapuyan defines a family of languages or dialects. By discovering similar words among several languages of the Kalapuyan family, linguists hope to discover words that belonged to the original language, which might be called "Proto-Kalapuyan". Such a study was done by William Shipley involving a comparison of three Kalapuyan languages: Tfalati, Santiam, and Yoncalla. This work (Proto-Kalapuyan, in Languages and Cultures of Western North America, 1970 - see references at bottom) was used here as one of the sources of Kalapuyan words for comparison with Finnic.
    It has been proposed many years ago - in 1965 - by Morris Swadesh that Kalapuyan languages are perhaps related to Takelma and together they formed a larger grouping. In any event, Swadesh presented words of Takelma plus three Kalapuyan languages (the three described above) in his 1965 paper (see references below) and I also mined that paper as a source of Kalapuyan words.
    The following short study looks at Kalapuyan words which strongly resemble Estonian and Finnish words, starting with Shipley's list of Kalapuyan words, and then adding words that Swadesh presented but Shipley did not present, to enlarge the source words. Even so, the total number of words remains small. But bear in mind that since the source words were small in number, our small number of discoveries still representr a high rate of coincidences. We are not seeking to do an exhaustive analysis, but only to show that  we are able to find remarkable parallels that by laws of probability suggest they cannot all be mere random chance correspondences. Therefore, in spite of the limited results, the following is as significant or even more significant than  our analysis of Karok above.
    Like the Karoks, it is difficult to link Kalapuyans to the whale hunter migrations, since they too had moved into the interior and lived off harvesting salmon.  The loction of the Kalapuyans, shown on the map of Figure 2 in the hatched area begins north of the end of the Klamath River where the Karoks were, and so there may be a connection between the Karoks and Kalapuyans.
    The name "Kalapujans" is so close to Estonian kala püüdjad  'fish catchers' that I hoped to find a parallel; however I failed to find the data I sought.. I did however find a word for 'fish' from Swadesh's material. It was given as K'AWAN (I use ' for the glottal stop or throat catch) which came from the Yonkalla dialect. It is possible therefore that there could have been a replacement of L with W.  It is possible that  they were originally called by KALA-PÜÜDJAN and then over time the whole language drifted linguistically, influenced by neighbouring languages? The whole name degenerating to Kalapuyan while the word for fish degenerates independently from KALAN to KAWAN. We can therefore see if there is other evidence of a L > W shift.

    Because the "Proto-kalapuyan" words derived by Shipley are still artificial, the following comparisons are made from the real Kalapuyan words, indicating the dialect with T, S, or Y representing respectively Tfalati, Santiam, or Yoncalla.
     In terms of orthography, I continue to use the approach that uses the Latin sounds represeted by the Roman alphbet as a basis, with additional markers selected from common keyboard symbols.  Emphasis (if the source material gives it) is given by bolding,  the  single quote marks a catch in the throat or glottal stop, and a dash marks a sound break (without catch). These are very intuitive conventions.
    Note that although this list of results is small, the source list of words is also smaller than I had for Karok, and that the number of results compared to the full list of words consulted is quite high.
    The following table compares all three languages, Note how many instances there area in which there was a parallel in Karok as well.

T=Tfalati; S=Santiam; Y=Yoncalla
(from limited resources)

(common words only)
(could exist, but we are limited by what was given in the source lexicon)
PAL (T) 'big'
PALJU / PALJON 'much, alot'
PUU£ (T,S 'blow' PUHU / PUHU  'blow / speak'
' EEFAN (S) 'father'
ISA / ISÄ 'father' (KWAKWALA has OS   'father')
TIITA (S) 'give'
TII& (Y)
TEE / TIE 'do'
HUUSU  (Y) 'good' HEA / HYVÄÄ    'good' YAV   'good' 
TAHKI (T) 'kill'
TAPPA / TAPPA  'kill'
PA£  (T) 'lake'
PAA£  (S,Y)
PAAT   (Est)  'boat' PAAH 'boat'
MEEFU  (T) 'mountain'
MÄGI /MÄKI   'mountain, hill'
MA'   'mountain'
NUNA  (T, S) 'nose' NINA / NENÄ    'nose'
MIM    (T,S) 'person'
MIMI    (Y)
INIMENE   (Est)  'person' ' IIN   '(the world, human race) to exist' 
compares with Inuit words like inuit 'people'
T-ASTU  (S) 'sit'
ISTU/ ISTU   'sit'
HUYS   (T,S) 'smell' HAIS / HAISU   'smell'
YALKYAK (T)'straight'
JALG / JALKA  'leg, foot'
PYAN (T, S) 'sun' PEA / PÄÄ   'chief, most important'
PÄIKE (Est)  'sun'

KwAYN   (T)'swim'
KwAY    (S)
KÄI / KÄY   'go' ' AAHO   'to walk, go'  (note glottal stop at start is a K-type sound) Compares with Kwakwala QASA 'walking'   and Inuit  qai-
PAMYUT  (T) 'think'
Est. PEAMÕTTE  'main idea'
MÕTTE / MIETE  'thought'

K'AWAN (Y) 'fish' KALA / KALA  'fish' 'AAMA 'salmon'   
substitution of M for L ?
PUUHA  (S) 'alder (tree)'
PO-P     (T)
PEEM   (T) 'tree'
PUU / PUU  'tree' 'IPAHA  'tree'
HUL-LII  (S) 'want' HOOLI / HUOLI  'want, desire'
WAL-LA (S) 'down'
ALLA / ALLA    'down'
(neighbouring, but not considered Kalapuyan)

KAA'-M 'two' KAKS / KAKSI  'two' 'AXAK  'two'
' EL-AA- 'tongue' KEEL / KIELI    'tongue' (Kwakwala has KhALAM 'tongue' )
PEYAAN 'daughter, girl'
POJA / POJAN 'child; boy'    


       Note that although the number of comparisons obtained, the original sources of words was quite small. The word list for Karok was also moderately small. These comparisons can be continued if larger number of original (old) words can be uncovered.  It is clear that  in whatever way the Finnic seafarers arrived and mixed with indigenous peoples, the very fact that some of the above words are also found in Karok, Kwakwala and even Inuit  seems to point to the arrival of boat peoples who crossed oceans, originally as whale hunters. , originally of the same groups that became the Inuit,  perhaps even more than once over the course of time.

 Conclusions from the Language Evidence

     Nobody likes science that uses intuition, because the value of the result depends on the quality of the intuition. But intuition works when used by experienced people, and can even be quantified a little by having the intuitive person first try to establish the "control" of what results are achieved at random so that coincidences that are not random are noticed..  Then when that same person analyzes a real language, a rate above the "control" suggests that the results are not purely random chance. It is analagous to the manner in which drug companies test drugs - one group is given a placebo and the other the real drug and the results are recorded. If the results from the real drug are better than the results among those THINKING they are taking a real drug, but really only taking a placebo, then that proves the real drug actually works.
    The reality is that comparing Finnic with languages that theoretically have separated from a common parent language as much as 5000-6000 years ago cannot use any existing methodology, and all we can hope for is to discover a pattern. Additionally, it is not necessary to investigate the matter in one field only. If there is a genuine common heritage, the evidence will be found not only in language but in culture. For example, the Kwakiutl, Inuit, and Finnic languages clearly had the same word for 'harpoon', and that is relevant for whale hunting cultures. In addition the whale hunting peoples had a mythological bird KOLI that was responsible for thunder.
   The methodology for analysis of deep history is to be as multidisciplinary as possible. A truth will not leave evidence in only one location. We have also investigated what the archeology reveals.
    But language analysis is more powerful if we also analyse the nature of the words. It is well known by linguists that words that are in constant use, such as words for family, are likely to be preserved for hundreds of generations. Therefore the validity of our word comparisons is helped by that word meaning referring to family or some other commonly used word.  We can evaluate probabilities of being correct by evaluating the probability of a word form and meaning surviving little changed over many thousands of years. For example whale hunters are likely to preserve their word for 'harpoon'. I also find it relevant that the Kwakwala language has so many words connected to sound, notably the sound of surf, as that reveals a great amount of experience with pounding surf such as found on the Pacific coast.
    Language must also have logic in it when words change. Linguists want to discover a systematic shift of sound, such as "L" becoming "W" or "K" becoming a glottal stop. But shifts in meaning must make sense too. What is the likelihood (to invent an example) of the word for 'mouth' becoming the word for 'water'   Very small. The analyst must be able to give a believable explanation for how the meaning shifted .In the examples given for the Kalapuyan we note that there is correspondence with Finnic in the word for 'nose', and the word for 'smell.'  That is a believable link, since the nose is our smell organ.
    The science  lies in the laws of probability. We develop an intuition about the probabilities of various events through our life experiences. The probability that the sun will rise is nearly 100%, but the probability that clouds will block the sun on a given morning is somewhere between 0-100% Insofar as were looking at the words of real people acting in human ways in their daily lives means we can use our intuition and come to some judgement as to what meanings are believable and what are not. The intuition of the jury of any scientific arguments and evidence, like those of a lawyer making a case in court, is important.
    IN CONCLUSION: When we add the language information to what was earlier learned from the archeological and other sources, then we can at least identify the Wakashan languages - at least Kwakwala - to be both related to the Esk-Aleut languages, and that they all represent long distance expansions of whaling peoples from their origins ultimately in the archeologically defined "Kunda" culture.  The origins of the Karok and Kalapuyan languages and peoples must remain a mystery unless some further revelations come to light to establish when exactly traders may first have chanced on the Californian coast, and if those traders were from the Finnic trading world, such as the ancient "Veneti".   


Dorais,Louis-J ,
The Inuit Language of Igloolik, Northwest Territories,  University of Laval, Laval, Quebec, 1978
 Boaz, Frank
Some problems in North American archaeology 1902, American Journal of Archaeology (2nd series)    
Ethnological problems in Canada.  1910, Journal Royal Anthropological Institute 40:529-39
Borden, Charles
Notes on the prehistory of the southern Northwest Coast. 1951, British Columbia Historical Quarterly 14:241-46
Facts and problems of Northwest Coast prehistory, 1950, Anthropology in British Columbia 4:35-49  Some aspects of prehistoric Coastal- Interior relations in the Pacific Northwest  1954a, Anthropology in British Columbia 4:26-32
P.Klesment, A. Künnap, S-E Soosaar, R. Taagepera
Common Phonetic and Grammatical Features of the Uralic Languages and Other Languages in Northern Eurasia 2003, University of Tartu and University of California.
Marcantonio, Angela
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Bright, William
  The Karok Language, 1957, University of California Press, Berkeley&Los Angeles
Drucker, Philip
Cultures of the North Pacific Coast, 1965, Chandler, San Francisco
Shipley, William
Proto-Kalapuyan, 1970, Languages and Cultures of Western North America, ed. E.H.Swanson Jr., Ohio State Univ Press, Pocatello, Idaho, 1970
Swadesh, Morris
Kalapuya and Takelma, July 1965, International Journal of American Linguistics, vol 31, No. 3


author: A.Paabo, Box 478, Apsley, Ont., Canada


2013 (c) A. Pääbo.